Friday, August 04, 2006

Four-fold menace - A nexus of enveloping evil

Four-fold menace - A nexus of enveloping evil-VIII


Organized evil exists in the world not to create despair but fearless activity.

- Malthus

The silent influence of books is a mighty power in the World; and there is a joy in reading them known only to those who read them with desire and enthusiasm �� silent, passive and noiseless though they be, they yet set in action countless multitudes and change the order of nations. The recently published book NGOs, ACTIVISTS AND FOREIGN FUNDS - ANTI-NATION INDUSTRY edited by Radha Rajan and Krishen Kak is bound to have a decisive impact upon government policies relating to the functioning of NGOs in India and the flow of foreign funds to the NGOs sector.

George Thundiparambil's essay titled CLOSING WORD: Who is afraid of the Hindu nation? has given a graphic description of how many NGOs in India function as instruments of hate and fratricide. To quote his appropriately lethal words in this context: 'For Indians who are aware of the anti-Hindu agendas of Christian, Islamic and Communist organisations in India and abroad, it is neither shocking nor surprising that numerous NGOs have sprung up throughout the Country, which act as sole-agent for these alien and hostile organisations.'

The password to international success in the World of NGOs is to choose the flag of Anti-Hindu. Start your career by unleashing a tirade against the Hindus and Hindu civilisation. In order to become an effective and successful mercenary, start an NGO and visit the USA and tell the Christian fundamentalists there what they want to hear: How evil and backward, how superstitious and ignorant the unconverted pagan Hindus are. Compare them with Nazis and then on the way back home, make a stop over in Pakistan and talk 'peace' and mention the 'atrocities' committed by Indian soldiers in Kashmir. As George Thundiparambil hilariously puts it: Punch the Hindu on the nose whenever you can, and if you have accrued enough points, you will start winning international awards. When the NGO accounts are in the mess, close shop and start another NGO. Nehruvian secularists with Hindu names are preferred for the NGO Industry. THE PASSWORD IS ANTI-HINDU.'

Nirupama Rajan and Radha Rajan in their essay 'ASHA PROJECTS: Where does all the money go?' have carefully and critically analysed the available descriptive and statistical data relating to 1538 projects being implemented by ASHA in India. Most of these projects appear to be vague, undefined, and mysterious. The only point of clarity is in respect of the exact amount of debasing and debauching US dollars received / allotted for each project! The FCRA (Foreign Contribution Regulation Act) Department in the Union Home Ministry in New Delhi functions as an executive arm of anti-Hindu and anti-Nation agencies like ASHA which are beyond the purview of all scrutiny by all the Enforcement Agencies of the Government of India!

Under the heading FELLOWSHIPS, many Fellowships have been handed over to many people by ASHA of whom three are Pandeys. Sandeep Pandey himself, Mahesh Pandey and Vallabhacharya Pandey (page 266 of the book under review).

YEAR 2005 Mahesh Pandey DC chapter $ 3000 The reason for the Fellowship to Mahesh Pandey is explained as follows:

Project Description:

This Fellowship support is to allow the Fellow to focus on region's development through education, income generation, right to information, projects development and co-ordination, site visits to projects, project accounts and audits and other relevant activities in the interest of ASHA for Education.

YEAR 2005 Vallabacharya Pandey Silicon valley $ 3000 The reason for the Fellowship is stated as follows:

Purpose/Grant :

Fellowship of Vallabhai allows immense support of ASHA India and ASHA for Education activities world-wide. Purpose of this Fellowship is to benefit from his capabilities in Projects co-ordination, projects audits and accounting, and monitoring and evaluation activities.

Comment: While there is at least a brief account on the purpose of the above two fellowships, SANDEEP PANDEY'S own Fellowship comes with no stated purpose or description: (page 267 of the book under review) Is not Sandeep Pandey , like the king of England, definitely above the Law ?.

Funding info:

2001 Silicon Valley $ 800.00

2002 Silicon Valley $ 800.00

2002 General Funds $ 250.00

TOTAL = $ 1850.00

Comment: This is what the Magsaysay Award Citation for Sandeep Pandey had to say: 'SHA's teachers take no pay. Instead, they support themselves with sidelines such as making candles and greeting cards from hand-made paper'.

Sandeep Pandey is the Fuehrer of ASHA. Sandeep Pandey is to the funds of ASHA what Sonia Gandhi is to the funds of the Congress Party. Radha Rajan pays her inimitable tribute to this pseudo secular, anti-Hindu, anti-Nation cosmopolitan and global Leonardo Da Vinci of India in these words', Sandeep Pandey is a man of many parts, all of them skin-deep and each of them carefully and calculatedly crafted to feed his gargantuan appetite for Mammon. American greenback Mammon, that is. He walks, he talks, he writes, he protests - for his version of 'peace' against Indian mukes, for Kashmiri and other terrorists, for the terrorist state of Pakistan, against Hindus and their nationalism, against Coca-Cola and for the 'poor' 'destitute' children of India who don't go to school which fact this IIT graduate confesses in an interview to the Milli Gazette, he came to know late in his life, only during his years in the US from a book published by MIT in 1991 titled 'The Child and The State in India' Sandeep Pandey has so far picked only those issues for his money-making activism which will keep him in media limelight. As I said, each one of these many parts of Sandeep Pandey is intended to make money from anti-national disruptive activism.

Skin-deep San-Deep's activism is intentionally anti-Hindu and anti-Hindu nation which is why the US and its client States, were willingly deceived into patronising the man with awards, media attention, with talking tours in foreign universities and with Magsaysay award. Only now the US establishment has come to know that he is a stooge of the Communist party. Sandeep Pandey, the pseudo educationist, the pseudo social-activist, the peace-activist, the pseudo anti-nuke activist �� all of these pseudo-beards disguise from public gaze �� Sandeep Pandey, the committed and vocal supporter of Marxist-Leninist Naxal terrorism. And skin-deep Sandeep is mortally afraid the false beard may fall off and that his Naxal proclivities may come under the US State Department scanner. That is why Radha Rajan concludes that he is a communist in Blue Funk. Sandeep Pandey by his extraordinary success in the field of activism of NGOs Industry has proven Winston Churchill right who said - A Master Craftsman indeed!! Craft is common both to skill and deceit'.

The following dangerous conclusions emerge from the point of view of National security from this highly incandescent book NGOs, ACTIVIST AND FOREIGN FUNDS ANTI-NATION INDUSTRY edited by Radha Rajan and Krishen Kak :

a) The network of anti-Nation, anti-Hindu, NGOs and activists comprising Marxists, Nehruvian Secularists, Muslims and Missionaries is well-entrenched in the US, particularly American universities.

b) There is a powerful network of donor agencies which include foreign Governments, Foundations, Trusts and other Chuch Charities which work with Marxist and Christian Indian NGOs in India with well-defined political objectives among the Dalits, women and tribal communities within Hindu society.

c) The Indian Government's Home Ministry through which all foreign funds must be routed has no fool-proof mechanism to inspect and verify if the projects mentioned by NGOs on paper exist in reality and also to check whether the foreign money received has been used for the purpose for which it was brought in and for no other anti-Nation and anti-social purposes.

d) The Indian Government has not cared to haul ASHA or Sandeep Pandey over hot Coals for such vaguely mysterious and poor maintenance of their accounts clearly brought by Nirupama Rajan and Radha Rajan .

e) A safe general inference can be drawn that most of the other dubious NGOs will be no different from ASHA in respect of maintenance of accounts and utilisation of funds.

f) All these anti-Nation and anti-Hindu NGOs only talk of grassroots activism, which in many cases is only a fig-leaf for political activism. Persons like Sandeep Pandey, Harsh Mander and Aruna Roy, besides the hundreds of Christian and Marxist NGOs associate themselves with several political parties and political agendas, essentially anti-Hindu in character. Foreign funds cannot be used for political activism and there is a Constitutional ban on receiving foreign money for political activities.

g) If head-count on the basis of religion can be thought of in regard to the Armed Forces, the same approach can also be thought of in regard to the NGOs officially approved by the Union Home Ministry under the FCRA (Foreign Contribution Regulation Act) for purposes of State- sponsored Pseudo-secular Evangelism in India. This head-count will surely bring to the broad sunlight the murky nature of political scoundrelism of the anti-Hindu and anti-Nation UPA Government in New Delhi.

The Government of India must immediately ensure that a strong and effective organisational machinery is created to keep a continuous watch over the anti-Nation and anti-Hindu NGOs and their cohorts. But to do that, we require a strong, effective and well-meaning patriotic Government �� not the ever faltering and surrogate UPA Government �� that does not depend on these NGOs to campaign in its favour and against its political opponents.

Naxal threat: Netas keep away from campaigning

Friday August 4 2006 12:25 IST

ONGOLE: The mandal and village level leaders are staying away from the panchayat elections campaign in the Naxal-affected Markapur sub-division in the Prakasam district following the killing of a Congress leader at Kanchipalli village in Giddalur mandal on Wednesday night.

After the CPI (Maoist) state committee secretary, Madhav alias Burra Chinnaiah and seven others were killed in an encounter in the Nallamala forest, the Naxalites are targeting the village and mandal level leaders of major political parties, police sources said.

The banned outfit Naxalites had gunned down Congress and Telugu Desam Party leaders in Pullalacheruvu mandal, after Maoists Central Committee member Matta Ravikumar’s encounter at PRC Thanda in the district.

Third and final phase of elections are slated for August 6 in the sub-division. The MLAs in the Markapur division were confined only to their constituency headquarters.

Meanwhile, the bandh call given by the Maoists in protest against Madhav encounter evoked partial response in the division. However, the RTC officials suspended the bus servises in Dornala, Y Palem and Pullalacheruvu mandals.

Maoists in possession of rocket-launchers?

Friday August 4 2006 12:20 IST

KHAMMAM: Reports that Maoists are getting armed with modern rocket launchers have sent senior police officers in the district into a tizzy.

Security has been tightened at all the sensitive police stations in the Naxal-dominated areas in the district. Elected representatives have been advised against venturing out without proper protection. They have also been advised to stay put at the main towns.

The Maoists had used rocket launchers to attack the Yedulla Bayyaram police station in Manuguru police sub-division on July 29. Senior police officials feel that this could significantly tilt the scales in the police-Maoist battle.

The Maoists had targeted the police station but the rocket missed the building and crashed into a tree, 300 metres away from the station. "It showed they were not trained in its use," an officer said

NAXALITE THREAT : AP to step-up security for MLAs

Hyderabad, Aug. 4 (PTI): The Andhra Pradesh Government on Thursday decided to step-up security for VIPs, including MLAs, in view of the increased threat from naxalites.

Home Minister, K Jana Reddy, held a meeting here with the police top brass to review the law and order situation against the backdrop of the killing of the State Secretary of CPI (Maoist), Madhav, and seven others in a recent encounter with police.

The meeting decided to beef up security in the naxal-hit areas and increase security cover for people's representatives if they desired so.

Taking note of intelligence reports that an 'action team' of Maoists had entered the twin cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad with a mission to attack key targets, the Home Minister directed the police to step up vigil at vital installations, the offices and residences of VIPs.

State Director General of Police, Swaranjit Sen, Additional DGP (Intelligence) Aravinda Rao, Principal Secretary (Home) M A Basith and other top officials attended the meeting.

Mangalore: Landmine Kills CRPF Constable from City in Chhattisgarh

Eden Enclave

Flats and Shops in Kallianpur - Udupi

Daijiworld News Network - Mangalore (MB)

Mangalore, Aug 4: Udayakumar (35), a Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) constable hailing from the city who had been posted in Chhattisgarh, on Wednesday was killed in blast of a landmine suspected to have been planted by Naxals.

Son of Sharada and the late Dooma Moolya of KPT area here, Udayakumar was serving in the CRPF over the past 14 years. He was part of a team who were giving a hot chase to a Naxal group on Wednesday night, when they fell victim to a landmine blast. Three of them died and four injured. Udayakumar's family was intimated by 11 pm the same night.

Last reports said that his mortal remains had arrived in Bangalore on Thursday and were to be brought here by Friday noon.

Udayakumar had come on a short leave recently to see his mother who was ill. He got her hospitalized here and left barely 15 days ago with a promise to come back soon.

Youngest in the family, he is survived by his mother, wife Vasanti, two little children, Ritesh (5 years, I Std) and Latesh (3 years, LKG), three brothers and two sisters

House of spirits

BLOODY MARY | Sagarika Ghose

August 4, 2006

Monsoon sessions of Parliament are generally turbulent. Under hovering rainclouds, the mid-year gathering of people’s representatives generally sees the rage of the long summer reach boiling point. But if you look at this monsoon session of the 14th Lok Sabha, the only sentiment you might experience is bathos and anticlimax. The delirium of our politicians was never more in evidence than in this session. The sheer disconnect between a growing conscientious civil society and a cynical, lethargic Parliament was never more sharply in focus.

Two issues dominated the monsoon session of this Parliament. One is the Office of Profit Bill and the other is the ‘mole’ controversy created by former External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh’s imaginings about a spy in Narasimha Rao’s PMO. The context of India at a time when these issues are obsessing Parliament is curious. Mumbai has just been hit by what has been described as an international standard terrorist assault. Seven precision bombs have taken the lives of over 200 train commuters, in a military-style operation targeting the breadwinners of urban families. Brokers, insurance agents, businessmen, ad executives and scores of white-collar professionals lie dead in an attack aimed at striking terror in the heart of precisely the class that is powering the new Indian economy.

Has the monsoon session of the 14th Lok Sabha revealed, even by a single speech or by a resolution, or by a few moments of silence, or by a debate, that it remotely cares about the 200 dead in Mumbai? All we saw was a disappointing exchange started by Manohar Joshi of the Shiv Sena, who raised the communal pitch, to be met by the Home Minister providing a dull, bureaucratic answer on the dangers of communalism.

Has a parliamentarians’ group been formed to provide assistance to families? Has any speaker in the House risen to his feet to try and provide voice to the grief-stricken parents and lonely orphaned children? Has there been any statement by any MP that reveals that the honourable members even know of the nature of the threat confronting ordinary Indians as they go to work every morning? Certainly not. But why should the parliamentarians care anyway. They, after all, live in fortified castles with taxpayers financing gunmen to protect their ageing limbs, so why should they bother if those very taxpayers who pay for MPs privileges should themselves be struck down by terrorism?

What is the other social context at the moment? What is the surrounding reality of the furious discussions on who was the spy in the PMO a decade ago? Farmers are committing suicide in Vidarbha and other parts of the country. The PM has visited and announced a Rs 3,750 crore relief package. Ten days after his visit, 34 farmers took their lives, their dead bodies providing the uncomfortable backdrop to discussions about the ‘mole’ in Narasimha Rao’s government.

On farmer suicides, all we saw were walk-outs, noisy protests and adjournment of the House. Is there any serious debate, any concern, any glimpse of the fact that someone amid all those dressed-up people going to and fro in their armed cars cares about the desperate agriculturalists of Vidarbha? No. In Chhattisgarh, hundreds are trapped in a vicious battle between Maoists and the Salva Judum movement of tribal youth. No policeman wants to serve in the Naxal districts. Families are sending their eldest sons to join the Maoists because of lack of jobs. Trains are blown up, villagers are massacred. Yet what is the government concerned about? Why, the ‘mole’ in a former PMO, of course.

So forget the 11/7 Mumbai blasts, the agrarian crisis, the rise in prices and the fact that hundreds of Indians across the land are losing their children and parents to violence. Let us concentrate on the mole in the PMO from a decade ago. Yet, even a debate on the mole would be interesting if it actually revolved around demystifying the entire foreign policy establishment and if there was a hard questioning of national security babus who are perhaps far too lofty and remote from the public. Yet, the parliamentary wranglings on the ‘mole’ are so pathetic and illiterate that they are impossible to justify.

Jaswant Singh is a feudal raja at heart. He has failed to understand how lawless his actions are, that to accuse the very fountainhead of government of spying on the eve of the publication of his book is a very serious violation of public order. As senior lawyer Ram Jethmalani has pointed out, if the mole theory is true, then Jaswant Singh is guilty of harbouring information and committing a criminal act under the Indian Penal Code. Of course, now Jaswant Singh seems to have muddle-headedly withdrawn all knowledge of a mole.

But the parliamentarians don’t give a damn anyway. Why should they care that one of their senior members has committed a potentially criminal act of withholding information? Why should they care when Parliament is, in fact, a refuge, a great escape, from the price rise, the terrorism, the massacres of daily life in India?

A semblance of parliamentary debate has so far taken place on the Office of Profit Bill. But, once again, the combined legal talent of Arun Jaitley and Abhishek Singhvi failed to shake members out of their torpor. And in any case, there was hardly a meaningful debate on Office of Profit. Failing to heed the President’s appeal to actually enact a law based on principles, the government remained myopically focused on individual MPs. So parliamentarians have failed to lay down criteria to actually define what is an office of profit, failed to ask why an office of profit should be an illegality. Instead, they have just rushed through a Bill seeking to protect individuals, so that the seats of Sonia Gandhi, Jaya Bachchan and of certain Left leaders are saved.

Perhaps, it is the television media that is responsible for the ruination of Parliament. Perhaps because TV only covers the noisy adjournments and the walkouts, MPs are simply not motivated to carry out serious debates and quiet deliberations. Perhaps the great orators have ceased to enter Parliament. Only fixers and lobbyists and heads of caste armies, or feudal sons sit in the benches and they may or may not be known for their oratorial skills or even their grasp of any reality beyond that of keeping their votes intact. There is also the reality perhaps that MPs have now become municipal corporators busy creating roads and drains in their constituencies and thus their skills at public speaking are not necessary or valued. How comical, indeed how tragic, that it was the cartoon capers of Navjot Singh Sidhu that dominated the Lok Sabha’s voice on farmer suicides.

One word comes to mind in viewing Parliament in the context of Indian reality, and that word is disconnect. Disconnect and delirium. Ask any citizen what ‘mole’ and what ‘Office of Profit’ means outside Raisina Hill and they may not be able to tell you or may not even care. As civil society empowers itself to fight corruption, as groups like Citizens for Justice and Peace organise themselves in Mumbai, as citizens use RTI to question local governments, the seat of the people’s will in India is becoming a backward sector. There is no brain, no passion, no new ideas, no oratory, no 21st century voice in the parliamentary proceedings of this monsoon session. All there is, is frenzied gossip about a mole, which is a symbol of how Parliament is becoming catastrophically distant from the energies of new India.

The writer is Features Editor, CNN-IBN

31 ISI spy modules neutralised

New Delhi, Aug. 3, 2006: A total of 31 espionage modules backed by the
Pakistan-based Inter-Services Intelligence have been neutralised in various parts of the country from January 2005 onwards, leading to the arrest of 56 agents, including 21 Pak nationals, Union minister of state for home Sriprakash Jaiswal informed the Rajya Sabha on Wednesday.
The Centre has been pursuing a well-coordinated and multi-pronged approach to tackle the activities of the ISI by strengthening border management, gearing up the intelligence machinery and close coordination between Central and state agencies, Mr Jaiswal told the House in a written reply.

However, replying to another question, he said the available inputs do not confirm "direct presence" of the Al Qaeda in the country.

On the question of the extradition of those connected with militancy in Punjab, Mr Jaiswal said at least nine persons, including Devinder Pal Singh Bhullar, Daya Singh Lahoria, Ranjit Singh, Sukhwinder Singh, Harpal Singh Cheema, Kulbir Sin Singh Barapind, Kamaljeet Kaur and Gurbachan Singh, have been extradited or deported to India.

He also informed the House that 32 organisations continue to be banned as terrorist organisation under Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act 1967 as amended in September 2004.

To another question, he said there have been demands to bring back the Prevention of Terrorism Act, but the government is of the view that the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act 1967, as amended in September 2004, alongside the repeal of Pota, has provisions necessary to deal with various facets of terrorism.

The minister also informed the House that till June this year, a total of 360 incidents of Naxal violence and 244 casualties (190 civilians and 54 security forces) have been reported in Chhattisgarh as against 198 such incidents and 50 casualties in the same period last year.

The banned Students Islamic Movement of India (Simi) is continuing its clandestine activities and its movements are under constant watch, Union home minister Shivraj Patil on Wednesday told the Rajya Sabha during Question Hour.

Replying to supplementaries, Mr Patil said about 179 cases against Simi were in the courts across the country. He told Mr S.S. Ahluwalia of the BJP that the inquiry on derailment of the Shramjeevi Express in Jaunpur and the railway station blast there was being conducted by the UP police. On the question of Gujarat riot cases being referred to the CBI, Union minister of state for home S. Reghupathy said only one riot case relating to Limkheda police station (district Dahod) has been referred to the CBI.

He said the Gujarat Contraol of Organised Crime Bill 2003 has been pending with the Centre for approval. There are policy issues which need to be sorted out and no time frame can be fixed for achieving the same.

Thursday, August 03, 2006

Maoist Guerrillas and Tribal Rebels Threaten India's Industrial Boom

Plans to develop the mineral wealth of the country could be derailed by Naxalites. When Tata Steel began building the country's third-biggest steel mill in a plot of the 5,000-hectare (13,000 acre) Kalinganagar industrial area in the dust bowl of eastern India this year, executives thought they would be welcomed.

After all, they reasoned, the company, with revenues of more than £3bn, was bringing development and jobs to one of India's poorest places. However, by the end of the day, the bulldozers had not moved an inch and 12 people lay dead after what appeared to be a pitched battle between locals, armed with axes and spades, and police who carried guns and tear gas.

Tata Steel, part of a leading Indian industrial conglomerate with a history of social projects, faced a troubling territorial issue: how to build a factory on land that its inhabitants, indigenous people, had refused to leave?

The new plant would produce 6m tonnes of steel a year - an industrial surge that would create much-needed jobs in Orissa, which declares more than half its population as living in poverty.

B Muthuraman, managing director of Tata Steel, said: "We are working with the local people. They do want schools, the water, [and] the development that the plant will bring. It is some other elements who caused the problems. The action has delayed [the plant at Kalinganagar] by months."

These "other elements" are now at the centre of a corporate debate over how to exploit resources in the mineral-rich but poverty-stricken tribal belt in India. Tata Steel would not say who the instigators in Kalinganagar were, only that they were "extremists".

What happened in Orissa, say many experts, could easily be replicated across India, where the same mix of tribal disaffection could bubble up into a series of peasant uprisings. A bigger danger is that holding sway over a vast area of India is an armed group of left-wing guerrillas, referred to as Naxalites, who see industrialisation as an unwanted intrusion and threaten a violent contest over rural lands.


When the Guardian visited Naxalite guerrillas deep in the forests of central India earlier this year, Gopanna Markam, a company commander of the People's Liberation Guerrilla Army, stressed that the "exploitation" needed to be stopped. "The government is bent upon taking out all the resources from this area and leaving the people nothing."

This is not a threat to take lightly. Naxalite bandhs or shutdowns in Jharkhand state, with rich deposits of iron ore and dolomite, have cost local steelmakers 60 days of lost work a year. Armed rebels have carried out several attacks in southern Chhattisgarh on the state-owned National Mineral Development Corporation iron-ore mine.

Coincidentally, it is post-Maoist China's surging economy that is driving global demand for raw materials and in India it is Maoist-inspired revolutionaries who seek to dent their supply.

The Naxalites, who follow a radical Maoist ideology, have waged a low-intensity guerrilla war against India for decades. They control 92,000 square kilometres (36,000 square miles) of the country, from Nepal to the southern state of Andhra Pradesh. This "red corridor" runs along some of India's poorest parts and through areas inhabited mainly by tribal peoples. In many places Naxalites have in effect become the state - running schools, digging wells and administering justice through "people's courts".

Although the movement has splintered many times in the 40 years since it began, a unified leadership emerged last year under the Communist Party of India (Maoist). The new party, with a 10,000-strong armed wing, was promptly banned. By April India's prime minister was calling the Naxalites the "single biggest internal security challenge ever faced by our country".

With $85bn (£46bn) of investment slated for mineral-rich India - including proposals from South Korea's Posco; the FTSE 100 mining firm Vedanta, which holds its annual meeting in London today, and the world's biggest steel company, Mittal Steel - financial analysts have begun to fret over the implications of trying to build an industry in the absence of the state.

The brokers CLSA said in a note last month: "Lack of policy initiatives and the inability to win over the tribals, the largest stakeholder in the hinterlands where the Maoists hold sway, means the Naxalite movement is becoming stronger." The report pointed out that Maoist violence in India had already claimed 374 lives in 500-odd attacks in the first six months of this year.

Anirudha Dutta, a senior investment analyst with CLSA, said the problem was trying to square industrial growth with decades of government indifference. "Kalinganagar was a manifestation of the same problem. Tribal people do not have the education to get jobs at these plants. They sell their land at government-determined prices and then end up working as contract labourers.


"This economic insecurity is a serious source of discontent and is being exploited by the Naxalites. Government has to take steps to solve this because industry cannot. You are talking of about $30bn of foreign investment here - it is a lot of money," said Mr Dutta.

However, some in industry are undeterred by gloomy predictions. JSW Steel, the flagship steel and power company of the OP Jindal group, is pressing ahead with plans for a 3,500 hectare plant in Jharkhand producing 10m tonnes of steel, despite threats to some potential investors from Maoists.

"The problems are not particular to India or mining," says Ravi Kastia, group executive president of Aditya Birla and chairman of the Confederation of Indian Industries' mining group. "In difficult geographies around the world we see the same problem. We have seen copper mines close in Indonesia and Chile because of similar issues. But the demand is still there and so will the investment."

Activist's challenge

Bratindi Jena, an Orissa activist, has travelled to Britain to challenge the head of Vedanta Resources at today's annual meeting. Vedanta is developing an $800m aluminium refinery in Orissa's Lanjigarh area under an agreement with the local government two years ago. It has been disrupted by clashes with local tribes, some of whom have been displaced. Vedanta says it has offered them accommodation, schooling and jobs. Ms Jena says: "There are a number of serious environmental and human rights concerns with this project that the company has so far failed to address."

Planned plants

Projects planned in tribal belt states with active Maoist presence

Investment ($m)


Texas Powergen, US (power plant, sponge iron) 1,207

Vedanta (aluminium smelter) 550


Tata Steel (steel plant) 10,109

Mittal Steel (steel plant) 8,696


Tata Steel (steel plant) 3,261

Posco (steel plant) 10,870

Vedanta (alumina refinery expansion) 800

Vedanta (aluminium smelter) 2,100

Mittal Steel (steel plant) 9,000

Source: CLSA
By Guardian Unlimited © Copyright Guardian Newspapers 2006
Published: 8/1/2006

Cops have Maoists in a corner?


Thursday August 3 2006 11:49 IST

ONGOLE: CPI (Maoist) internal documents claimed to have been seized by the police show the organisation was suffering from internal bickerings, confusion and concern over the police gaining the upper hand. They also speak of harassment of women Naxalites by their male colleagues.

The letters, which claimed to have fallen into the hands of the police in the recent Nallamala encounter, show that the Naxals fell into self-defence and confusion. CPI (Maoist) State committee secretary Madhav alias Burra Chinnaiah and seven others were killed in the encounter delivering a major blow to the organisation.

One of the documents purported to have been seized by the police is a letter written by party central committee member Ramchander alias Sunil to the State committee during its meetings in Nallamala forest held from February 28 to March 4, which said the Maoists were unable to match the police strategy and their tactical counter offensive mechanism had considerably weakened.

It expressed concern over the joint operation by the State and the Central governments. The letter also wanted the State committee to promote able cadre and strongly pleaded for increased interaction with the people. He said the Maoists were losing active contact with the general public.

In another letter said to have fallen into the hands of the police, written by a woman Naxal, Nirmala, a mention was made of how male Naxal leaders were abusing women. It mentions top naxal leader Sakhamuri Appa Rao harassing her.

One letter showed that the State Committee had abolished the Medak district committee and decided to merge it with the Nalgonda committee. There was also mention of a plan to attack a police station in Guntur district with a poclainer laden with explosives

Woman Naxal arrested in Sonebhadra

HT Correspondent
Varanasi, August 2

A WOMAN Naxalite, carrying Rs 2500 reward on her head, was arrested by cops in Nai Bazar Kasba area in Robertsganj in Sonebhadra district on Tuesday evening. Identified as Naupuri Devi, a resident of Kon police station area in the same district, the woman was wanted in several cases of crime and was actively associated with Naxalites. She was sent to jail on Wednesday.

Superintendent of police Raghuwair Lal interrogated the woman for several hours and got vital information about Naxal activities in the district.

According to information, the arrested woman was the wife of one Raj Kishre Choudhry. She was allegedly involved in the attack on the house of one Krishna Choudhry in Naikaha village under Kon police station in the year 2002 when a gang of Naxals set on fire Krishna’s house and tractor. Naupuri Devi’s property was attached in the year 2002 and a reward of Rs 2500 on her arrest was declared. Since then, she was hiding in Jharkhand. On a tip off, police arrested her in Sonebhadra on Tuesday evening.

Man shot dead: A man was shot dead at Nawli village under the Sohawal police station in Ghazipur district on Wednesday. The attacker fled the scene soon after the crime. The injured has been identified as Mohammand Haquiqe. The cause of attack is stated to be the fallout of an old enmity.

Police launched a massive manhunt to nab the attacker but he could not be traced out.

Mohammand Haquiqe, of Newli village, used to run a shop of consumer products in Newli Bazar. He had left for the shop from in the morning. As he covered a short distance a man appeared before him and shot at him from point blank range. After sustaining bullet in his chest Haquiqe slumped to the floor bleeding profusely. The attacker managed to flee the scene.

On getting information, the police rushed the spot and took the injured to the government hospital from where he was referred to another hospital in Varanasi but he succumbed to his injuries on the way.

Sources said, there was a scuffle between two groups in the village one year back. Haquiqe belonged to one group. Matter had reached the police and the case came under consideration of court. Haquiqe was persistently giving evidence in the court against a rival group. He was being threatened not to give his statement in the court. It is suspected that he did not succumb to the pressure of the rival group and so he was killed today.

Naxal rehab reflective of unkept promises

Sanjay Tiwari

Wednesday, August 2, 2006 (Gadchiroli):

A year ago a few Naxals in north Maharashtra's Gadchiroli district surrendered but the promises made to them by the government remain only on paper.

It was a part of the anti-Naxal campaign an attempt to get the rebels lay down their arms in return for protection and rehabilitation into the mainstream.

For two years 21-year-old Sunita, a surrendered Naxal cadre, was on the run as Jimalgatta Dalam member, a Naxal group, in the region.

It was acute poverty and not ideology that forced her to take up arms.

So, by the time the state declared a rehabilitation policy for Naxals last August, she was more than ready to quit.

Dangerous move

It is proving rather dangerous for Sunita and 70 others who left with her.

"I left because I was tortured in the camps. I came back to my parents. Now the Naxals threatened my parents that they would kill me if I stay here," said Kamla Wanja Atram, another surrendered Naxal.

They had surrendered pinning hopes on the government's promise.

A promise included cash awards in line with their rank in the Naxal organisation and the type of weapon they gave in.

They were to receive land and housing grant of Rs 50,000, free education for children and police protection, provided they had a police record in Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh or Chhattisgarh.

No police protection

Ironically, one year into effect the scheme has provided nothing beyond the cash reward, not even the crucial police protection.

''I don't expect anything from the government now. I just want to go back to my parents, and get married," said Rasso, surrendered Naxal.

''They won't leave me alive. I know them. Wherever I may be, even after five years, they will be hunting for me. It's better to go far. I have been asking the government to send me out of district, and provide me job and shelter," said Parshuram, a surrendered Naxal.

The authorities admit that the pace of rehabilitation is slow. But probe further and one finds the shocking truth.

Till date the modalities have not been worked out.

''Yes, we have not been able to rehabilitate them comprehensively. We are still working on the modalities, like how and where," said Chirabjeevi Stalin, Additional SP, Gadchiroli.

On the crucial issue of the much-promised comprehensive rehabilitation of the surrendered Naxals, the state government officials say the procedure is on.

This delay however, is causing much damage to the anti-Naxal campaign and its morale.

Tuesday, August 01, 2006

National security through redefinition : Arun Shourie

Arun Shourie

‘‘This has not happened in six months’ time. In 2001, it was 131 districts; in 2003, it had gone up to 143, and in 2004, this number had gone up to 157. I would say that the number has gone up, but it has not gone up only in six months time; it has gone up in three years’ time. That has to be borne in mind.’’

That was Shivraj Patil, the Home Minister, speaking in the Rajya Sabha in November 2004.

I had cited figures from official sources about the spread of Naxalite violence. Could it be any consolation that the sway of these violent groups had been spreading for a longer period than just six months? Quite the contrary: every year, year after year, the reach and lethality of Naxalites had continued to spread, showing that the rot in governance had continued to increase without let.

The situation continued to worsen. By October 2005, open sources were reporting that the number of districts affected by Naxalite violence and activity had risen to 165. The Rajya Sabha debated the matter again, in November 2005. Shivraj Patil improved on the reasoning. Though the figures I was citing are published by the Home Ministry itself, he said that such figures give a misleading impression. If one village in a district is affected, the whole district is counted as being affected, he said. Hence, the figures gave an impression of large stretches of the country being in the grip of extremist violence when that is not the case.

Why not disaggregate further, I had to inquire. After all, when the terrorists attack, they do not decimate the entire village. They kill just a handful from the village. They burn down just a few houses. Why not publish figures by household? And divide the number of households that have been attacked by the total number of households in the region, and thereby do even more to keep people’s morale up? Better still, why not disaggregate and count the number of individuals who have been killed, and divide that number by the total population of the region or the country? Wouldn’t we feel even safer?

But the Home Minister is the Home Minister. His reasoning has prevailed. Faced with more lethal attacks over a wider area, his Ministry has just stopped giving figures of the total number of districts that are affected by Naxalite operations and activity. It now gives figures only of districts “badly affected” by Naxalite violence. This comes to 76 districts. Isn’t that reassuring? National security through redefinition!

A truer index of the extent to which this virus is spreading is the fact that, after all, the Home Ministry had been using the same criteria for decades. On that basis, in the early 1990s, 16 districts were affected. In 2003, 56 districts were listed as affected. In October 2005, the number had risen, as I said, to 165. Since then, the situation has become much, much worse.

That Naxalites are actually carrying out violent attacks on police stations, that they are actually executing people is not the index of their sway. Violence comes at a much later stage of their operations; in almost every case, years later. In an interview with The Telegraph (July 15, 2005), a member of the Maoist Central Committee, “Comrade Dhruba”, is reported as saying that, apart from Bankura, Purulia and Midnapur districts, “our mass base in Murshidabad, Malda, Burdwan and Nadia is ready.” He adds, and this is what has a bearing on the Home Minister’s way of measuring, “After five years, we will launch our strikes.”

By the time violence is unleashed, the Naxalites have entrenched themselves firmly in the area. They commence with surveys — a 56-page survey that was recently recovered of “Perspective Areas” in a targeted state is so proficiently done that it would put some of our best institutions to shame: pattern of holdings; crops; problems of each crop; issues relating to wages and tenure; caste composition and tensions. Then front organisations are formed to instigate people on these issues. Experts instigate the demonstrations into violence. Reprisals fuel polarisation. Sympathisers and agents are steered into “voluntary organisations”, local bodies, cooperatives. Only after years of such capture and consolidation are dalams and the like formed. Violence is unleashed thereafter.

By that time, the situation has gone so far beyond the reach of the State apparatus that it can only do what the Home Minister is doing now.


The criterion, therefore, is not whether violence has actually been unleashed, nor whether the level of violence has become embarrassingly “bad”. That entire area must be taken to be affected by terrorist activity in which that group — say, Naxalites — is able to prevent officials of the State from carrying out their primary functions: of governance, of dispensing justice, of executing development works. The relevant questions to ask, therefore, are:

• Do the people of the area look to the police for protection from the Naxalites, or are they now conducting themselves in such a way that the Naxalites would spare them?

• Have the contractors of the area to pay Naxalites a cut for the works they execute - say, on construction involved in “development projects”?

• Who is dispensing “justice” in the area? The regular courts, or the Naxalites’ mobile courts?

• Are the government officials themselves not paying protection money to the Naxalites?

And remember, there are many types of insurgencies that are afoot in different parts of the country. The tests apply to the NSCN(IM) in Nagaland, to the score or so groups in Manipur, to the terrorists in Kashmir, as much as they apply to Naxalites.


Replying to the debate in November, 2005, the Home Minister had gone further in providing comfort. He had taken the House into confidence, and, going by the way he spoke, he had shared a deep secret of the State. The passage is worth reading in full. Shivraj Patil told the Rajya Sabha that, in fact, a comprehensive mechanism is already in place to tackle challenges to internal security. ‘‘This mechanism is already there’’, he said. ‘‘Probably, it is not known to the Hon. Members because it is an internal matter that we are doing.’’ He shared this State Secret, the information about this ‘‘mechanism’’: ‘‘We have a Special Security Secretary here. The responsibility given to the Special Security Secretary is to talk to the DIGs and other officers in the Naxalite-affected states every month or two months or whenever it is necessary, and decide as to what has to be done... Then there is a committee which is presided over by the Home Secretary, who talks to the Chief Secretaries of the states and DIGs of the states and they decide as to how the policy should be evolved to deal with the Naxalite activity or the terrorist activities in J&K or the North Eastern states. And, then, there are regional committees of the Home Minister and the Chief Ministers who meet periodically to decide about the policies. And, then, the Chief Ministers have been talking to the Prime Minister and the Home Minister every now and then, whenever they want. There is coordination. There is institution for coordination. You don’t think that we are not talking.’

So there is a mechanism. There is committee upon committee. There are meetings after meetings. All concerned are talking. The result is before you — in the increasingly lethal depredations wreaked by Naxalites — by now in 14 states; they must have been visible in the trains in Mumbai.


In his statement on the Mumbai train blasts too, the Home Minister gave a long list of meetings that had been held in the wake of the blasts. The last time, there had been more. I had cited recommendations that had been made by the Task Forces on Border Management and Internal Security — two among four set up after the Kargil War. I had shown in detail how little had been done in regard to them.

The first reaction of the Congress Party and its props was, ‘‘Which reports? Where are the reports? Is he prepared to authenticate them?’’ As I had carried both the voluminous reports with me, I lifted them, and said I would authenticate them there and then. The attack shifted, ‘‘These are secret reports, how is he citing them?’’ Then, ‘‘But what did your Government do for three years?’’

Uncharacteristically, the Leader of the Opposition, Jaswant Singh got provoked enough to state, ‘‘As a matter of personal knowledge, I do wish to say that I had the distinction and honour of simultaneously holding the portfolio of Defence at that time and I can state to the House that about 95 per cent of the recommendations of the Subramaniam Committee report and the Task Force on the Armed Forces were implemented.’’

He had, as is usual with him, been careful in his choice of words. He had referred only to the recommendations of the main report of the Subramaniam Committee and the Task Force on the Armed Forces — not to the Task Forces on Border Management and on Internal Security, whose findings and recommendations I had been reading out. But that was enough. The Home Minister built on what Jaswant Singh had said: ‘‘Sir’’, Shivraj Patil said, ‘‘The points which were raised by Mr Shourie have been replied now by the Leader of the Opposition sitting over there. And, I can assure the House that the recommendations which have not been implemented are in the process of being implemented.’’ The Home Minister returned to this later in his response, and remarked, ‘‘I am very happy to point out that when this point was made by Mr. Arun Shourie, the Leader of the Opposition was here in the House and he did get up and say that nearly 95 per cent of the recommendations of the Group of Ministers have been acted upon, have been implemented and I had no difficulty in getting up and saying that even 5 per cent recommendations which remained unimplemented, would certainly be implemented by the Government because they are good recommendations and we have no difficulty in implementing them.’’

One hundred per cent of the recommendations having been implemented — for we must assume that, months having passed, even those remaining 5 per cent have been implemented — the results should not surprise us! On 21 February, 2006, the Minister of State for Home told Parliament that in 2004, 653 had been killed in Naxalite-related violence. In 2005, 892 were killed. Going by open source compilations, in 2006, up to 23 July, already 550 have been killed.

But, as I mentioned, that is not even a partial index of the state of affairs. Captured documents indicate that Naxalites have already put in place ‘‘Regional Bureaus’’ for two-thirds of the country: including one for Delhi, Punjab, Haryana, Bihar and UP — and, a high authority on Left-wing violence tells me, the person who has been identified as heading this ‘‘Bureau’’ is one of the very best organisers among them. Further, barring the Northeast, J&K, Himachal and Rajasthan, ‘‘State Committees’’ are by now in place for every other state, ‘‘Special Area Committees’’ have been instituted for UP-Uttaranchal, Bihar-Jharkhand, and Bengal.

An ‘‘Urban Perspective Document’’ sets out detailed strategy for extending operations into and unsettling urban areas. Governance is weakening in many cities even now, it notes. And this weakening can only accelerate: urban population is expected to increase from 285 million to 540 million by 2020. A fertile field.

The point is that each such terrorist movement is proceeding systematically. Its programmes cover every aspect: land, caste-tensions, ‘‘courts’’, targets for raising finances, recruitment, training, capture and production of arms, calibrated unleashing of violence. And on our side?

The Home Minister’s ‘‘comprehensive mechanism’’. His ‘‘100% implementation’’. His redefinitions of the area that is affected.

And yet, the inattention to Left-wing violence is not the worst of the problems.

(To be concluded)

Revamping Internal Security

Wanted desperately: a top jasoos, a Sherlock Holmes, Perry Mason or a Hercules Periot. Contact immediately: Government of India. Job? To unravel the mysteries behind the shocking internal security failures and the consequent threat that looms large over the country. Game anyone?

Mumbai, Srinagar, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh...The terror list is unending. Where the next hit would be none knows simply because our intelligence sucks. Worse, every terrorist hit elicits the same ghisa-pitta Government reaction. As in the past, the Prime Minister once more drones like a screechy broken record: "The terrorist modules are instigated, inspired and supported by elements from across the border....if these are not controlled it would be exceedingly difficult to carry forward the peace process." Brave words, indeed.

But that was immediately after the 7/11 Mumbai blasts. Post the G8 meet at St Petersburg, Manmohan was crooning a lullaby. "Anything that sets the peace process back is a setback. Indo-Pak destinies are interlinked. We need peace and stability." Why, the change of tune? Blame it on Big Brother US 'advice' (read arm-twisting) not to jump the gun and blame Pakistan without proof.

Mercifully, the Prime Minister also thought of tomorrow on return and post-haste summoned the Chief Secretaries of all the States for a meeting last week. Wherein he lambasted them for the "inadequate" responses to strikes of terror which were of different intensity, magnitude, scale and scope. We have to meet these threats firmly, with determination and with a will to destroy," he asserted. His remedy? Marshal resources. Nothing more nothing less.

The Chief Secretaries meet was held not a day too soon. However, it was lost in platitudes. Instead, the States should have been taken to task for their lackadaisical approach to the gravest challenge to India's internal security - terror from across the border and Naxalites. Recall, at a conference with the Chief Ministers three months ago, the Prime Minister made a strong pitch for effective police response. His message could not be blunter: Treat this as "high priority."

Scandalously, the States gave short shrift to his wise words. An efficient and vigilant police could surely prove to be one effective deterrent to the terrorists in any mohalla, district or state. A well-equipped police force alone can be effective in intelligence gathering. From the beat constable right to up the Director General of Police.

So far so good. The problem is that the police force is today viewed as corrupt, brutal and inefficient. Why? One to get into the force one has to pay a hefty sum ranging from Rs 1 lakh to Rs 10 lakh. Two, to get a lucrative beat, the going rate could be anywhere up to Rs 25 lakhs. Three, they are poorly paid. How do they then vasool karo their initial 'investment'? Even an honest cop has no recourse but to turn dishonest for sheer survival. Any wonder that only those with muscle and money make it. Ignoring those with integrity, common sense and courage.

Gone are the days of the British Raj when no one could so much as dare touch a policeman for fear that the entire might of its Empire would come crashing down on his head. A total of 20,000 to 30,000 British cops sternly ruled the country, thanks to what the Mughals called "the ruler's Iqbal". Today, the Government's Iqbal is reduced to zilch, requiring the army to be called in time and again.

It is pointless to argue that the state has withered away. Today, terror is the rhetoric of the period. Killing yet another signpost of India's increasingly enfeebled law enforcement machinery. Shockingly, the police still functions according to the Police Act of 1861. This provides it with a negative role, basically that of protecting the establishment. Only if successive governments had fully implemented the recommendations of the National Police Commission, set up in 1971 under the Chairmanship of late Dharma Vira, ICS Retd, former Cabinet Secretary and Governor of three States, India would not have come to this sorry pass.

The Commission had recommended that the ethos of the Police force should be shifted from one of enforcement to enablement, called public relations today. It wanted the Police Act of 1861 repealed and replaced by a new Act and law and order divided into two separate departments, with a separate police force for each.

Alas, successive governments have given a quiet burial to this report and instead opted for quick-fix solutions for chronic maladies. Result? Gross political interference. In 2000, the then Home Minister LK Advani set-up another Police Commission with a brief to look into four aspects: how to stop political interference and influence, change the mindset of the force, improve the public interface and image, prevent politicization, criminalization and corruption in the police. But this too was confined to the dustbin of history.

Police reforms have reached such an absurd pass today that the national average of the police-public ratio is about 1.3 policemen per 10,000 citizens. In Bihar, a Naxal-prone State, the ratio of policemen to the public per 10,000 is a meagre 0.9 i.e. hardly one policeman for 10,000 people. With the result that times out of number, the police and civil administration are missing in the terror-infested areas.

Gujarat, another State on the terror radar, not only lacks an anti-terrorist and detection squad but with railway stations increasingly becoming vulnerable to terrorist attacks the Government Railway Police (GRP), responsible for maintaining law and order at stations - still works on a staff strength sanctioned in 1962. It has around 500 policemen as against the sanctioned strength of 1,940 in the state. Consequently, personnel from Saurashtra and Kutch have been shifted to Ahmedabad, Vadodara and Surat. According to GRP officials, 50 per cent of the posts of Police Sub-Inspector (PSI) are lying vacant. The less said the better about the outdated equipment. The only security equipment that the police have recently got are doorframe metal detectors, installed at Ahmedabad, Vadodara and Surat railway stations.

It is time now for the Government to get its act together if it is serious about ridding the country of terror. For starters, over-centralisation should be replaced by decentralization and functional autonomy to the police from the Station House level onwards and their goals and objective set with the cooperation and consultation of the local population. A properly structured and representative body of local residents should be associated with setting priorities and goals.

In this hierarchal chain, the numero uno is the beat constable. With whom the public interacts on a daily basis. The on-the-spot hands-on man who should have on his fingertips anything and everything about his area of jurisdiction. From the residents their children, visitors, profession, workplace, relatives and friends et al. In fact, he is the de facto protector of people under his jurisdiction. But the training imparted to him is pathetic. With the result that none shoulder their responsibilities and become corrupt and lazy, failing to realize how important a cog they are in the intelligence wheel. Hardly 30 per cent are fortunate to get family accommodation leading to acute depression and sadistic tendencies.

Besides, the standards prescribed for recruitment, training and emoluments for the police etc. also need radical revision, according to the National Police Commission. There should be a shift from quantity to quality of Police leadership. It is better to have half a dozen officers of the rank of a Sub-Inspector in a police station to prevent and detect crime than to have 25 semi-literate and ill-paid constables. Competent officers should be posted in the affected districts and given a stable tenure of at least 2 to 3 years to make a difference. In addition, they need to be provided improved weapons and greater mobility.

Dharam Vira found that one major impediment to independent investigations was the lack of funds at the Police Station and even at the level of Circle, Sub-Division or District, called Investigation charges. Astoundingly, an investigating officer had no funds to draw on when he set out on an investigation. The P.A. (Permanent Advance) of the Police Station was too small for any practical use. Thus, the I.O. has to rely on local friends who could themselves be violators of law.

In the ultimate analysis, a revolutionary change is the need of the hour. Merely mouthing platitudes about the urgency of being pro-active will no longer work. The Centre needs to think beyond the headlines. The bottom line is clear. When push comes to a shove there is no easy option. The Government has to tackle the basic issue first --- honest and effective modernization of the police force, with the constabulary getting its due. Are you serious, Mr. Prime Minister? The country wants action and results, not hot air and pointless rhetoric! First things first.

Poonam I Kaushish, INFA


16:27 IST
Lok Sabha

Indian naxal outfits are reported to have ideological and logistic links with Nepalese maoists. There are no reports to suggest links between Indian naxalites and Lashkar-e-Taiba.

The Government has been pursuing a multi-pronged strategy to counter the menace of terrorism on political, developmental and security fronts. The measures taken by the Government include strengthening of border management to check infiltration, galvanizing the intelligence machinery, ensuring improved technology, weaponry and equipment for security forces both at the Centre and in the States, neutralizing plans of terrorist/anti-national elements through well co-ordinated intelligence-based operations. Besides, the steps have also been taken to achieve bilateral/multi-lateral co-operation to deal with the menace of terrorism, given its global dimensions.

This information was given by the Minister of State for Home, Shri Sriprakash Jaiswal in written reply to a question in the Lok Sabha today.


Two Naxals surrender

Tuesday August 1 2006 11:51 IST

KHAMMAM: Two Naxalites belonging to the CPI-ML (Praja Pratighatana) Mohan Group surrendered before Khammam SP RP Meena on Monday. The surrendered Naxals are identified as Mulakalapalli area dalam commander Aila Ramesh alias Srikanth alias Ravinder and Praja Pratighatana Godavari Valley group’s Pinapaka and Manuguru Dalam commander Alem Sammaiah alias Joganna.

Aila Ramesh, a native of Balajipet in Bayyaram mandal is 25 years old and has studied up to Class VII. He joined the Naxal movement in 2003 and was involved in the encounters at Nagulammagutta and Suvarnapuram last year.

Alem Sammaiah (30) is a native of Regulagudem in Paloancha mandal and joined the underground movement in 2004 September. He was appointed dalam commander this year.

Border outposts to be armed to tackle Naxalite menace

HT Correspondent
Varanasi, July 31

ADDITIONAL DIRECTOR General of Police (ADG) for Inter-State Border Force R Vikram Singh announced that all nine outposts of force for eastern region would be shortly equipped with sophisticated explosive detecting equipment to check Naxal menace.

“Six explosive detecting equipment have recently been sanctioned by the government for six outposts of the Naxalite-affected areas in the region and for the remaining three it would be sanctioned shortly.

Three sub-inspectors and nine constables of border force have recently undergone a training in Lucknow to deal with the detectors efficiently in the Naxalite-affected areas,” he said.

Talking to mediapersons in an informal chat at the office of Inter Border Force here on Monday, Singh said that the moral of police personnel, deployed in an area of 637 km under the east zone of eight districts, was high and they were ready to face any challenge at any movement. Sensitive border areas of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Bihar near the outpost of force would be fenced with solar energy generated current to check the infiltration of criminal elements into UP.

The districts under the zone, covers Kushinagar, Ballia, Chandauli, Deoria, Mirzapur and Sonebhadra. Four Battalions of PAC along with cops of civil police in a large number have been round the clock monitoring security arrangements in Naxalite-affected areas of region. The local office of Border Force headed by the DIG SN Sabat has fully utilised the latest means of Information Technology to gather information about the Naxals and their activities in the region.

Sunday, July 30, 2006


'Government eliminating rivals under Salwa Judum cover'

By Indo Asian News Service

Raipur, July 30 (IANS) Chhattisgarh's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government is eliminating political rivals in insurgency hit Bastar region under cover of anti-Maoist movement Salwa Judum (Campaign for Peace), CPI national general secretary A.B. Bardan

'The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government and the Chhattisgarh's BJP government should stop Salwa Judum and initiate a dialogue with Maoist ultras to find a solution to the decade-old leftist violence,' he said.

'The state government should stop all operations against the rebels with immediate effect and start a dialogue on the pattern of the ongoing dialogues between the centre and the insurgent groups in the northeast,' Bardhan stated.

He said he had demanded at the recent UPA-Left coordination committee meeting that the centre should take an initiative to wind up Salwa Judum.

'I demand that the centre should not entertain any request of the state government regarding its fight against leftists, which includes providing Naga forces, as it would pitch a northeast tribal community against a central India one,' Bardhan remarked.

He said Salwa Judum would never produce any result, which was evident in Maoists' stepped up killings of innocent tribes people in revolt-hit Dantewada district.

Bardhan also asked Maoist leaders to stop 'civilian butchery' and come for a dialogue to find a solution to the ongoing violence.

'What is your strategic outlook for the future of the country, you (Maoists) must spell out,' Bardhan said.

Chhattisgarh, is one of the worst affected of India's 13 states, and the state government said this week that 348 persons - 272 civilians, 28 rebels and 48 policemen - were killed in Maoist violence in the state since the launch of Salwa Judum in June 2005.

Copyright Indo-Asian News Service

2 die, 9 hurt in bus blast by Naxalites

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GAYA: A powerful explosion took place in a Howrah-bound bus near Sulebatta ground on the GT Road near Barachatti, about 50 km from here, on Saturday evening. Two persons were killed and nine others injured in the blast that ripped the rear portion of the bus.

The bus service, originating from Gurua in the district, caters to the people, mostly traders, in interiors of the district who travel to Kolkata for business purposes.

Gaya SP Amit Jain said he suspects the involvement of the Marandi faction of the splinter group of outlawed Maoists. The identity of the dead is yet to be established as the bodies were badly smashed.

The injured have been admitted to the Magadh Medical College Hospital here where the condition of three is said to be critical. Of the injured, one has been identified as a Bengali from Murshidabad while the eight others are Gaya natives.

The police have of late stepped up operations against the Marandi faction and recently Rakesh Mahto, a prominent activist of the group, was arrested in Barachatti, a Naxalite stronghold.

It was in Barachatti that the campaign helicopter of former BJP chief Venkaiah Naidu was torched by the Naxalites after it made an emergency landing in the fields in February 2005.

Senior officials, including DM Jeetendra Srivastava and SP Jain, have rushed to the place of occurrence. The SP said the bombs may have been kept in the luggage placed over seat numbers 24 and 25.

Asked if the bombs were planted or one of the passengers was carrying them for use elsewhere, the SP said nothing can be said with certainty at this stage.

Reports reaching here said the bombs exploded apparently due to the impact of a jerk caused to the bus while negotiating a big speed hump. The driver, Mohd Shamim, said he only heard a loud explosion and thought it to be a case of tyre burst. But some glass splinters hit him, he said.

People’s support or power from the barrel of gun?

Saturday July 29, 2006

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If Naxals are championing the cause of people, then, why people are afraid of Naxals? And, when Naxals claim that they have the backing of the people, then, why there is an atmosphere of distrust and discomfort among people?

By Prakash Rao

It’s raining cats and dogs in southern Orissa. The weather is chilling. So chilling is the mood in the air. The Pople’s War Group (PWG) is observing Martyrs’ Week from July 28th in the memory of the ultras who laid down their lives in their war against State. I and my friend Rajeev were on our way to Berhampur from the Naxal-hit Rayagada district. We left Rayagada Town at around 6 pm. A few kilometers away from Rayagada Town at the JK Pur junction, we stopped at a pan shop where the shop owner advised us not to travel in the route during night as Naxals are observing Martyrs’ Week. But, we decided to go. And, during the 210-kilometre journey, we realized why the paanwala advised us not to travel.

We did not see a single vehicle on the road, except for the Government-run transport corporation buses ferrying passengers to and from far-flung places in Rayagada, Koraput, Malkangiri and Nowrangpur. Our SUV was zooming towards our destination. We hardly saw any villager on the road. Everywhere, shops were closed and houses locked. It looked like a total bandh.

Roughly 105 kilometre away from Rayagada and 5 kilometre from Adaba in Gajapati district, one of the worst Naxal-hit places in Orissa, we encountered a family stranded on the way. Their Honda City had met with an engine snag. Surrounded by dense jungles, the family was virtually in trauma. The car owner, an engineer, tried to stop few buses and two trucks for help, but no one stopped. It’s Martyrs’ Week time and strangers are not be trusted, particularly on this route. We stopped there, and after a 45-minute exercise, the Honda City did not start. Left with no alternative, we hooked the car to our SUV with a chain and pulled it up to Mohana (eight kilometers) at 10 km per hour speed.

We stopped at a garage, which was locked. The mechanic was sleeping inside. We knocked at the door, but he did not open the door. He was just talking to us from inside. After a 30-minute-long deliberation, we managed to convince the mechanic. He came out only to tell us not to expect any service around this time when Naxals are mourning the Martyrs. “Dit not you people see red flags with warning statements put along the road,” he asked. Our reply was, “ yes, we saw red flags and posters, there were many.” Honda City was too tough a vehicle for a village mechanic and we had to pull it again. The vehicle was parked at Mohana police station and the family came with us to Berhampur.

Between the 20-kilometre stretch from Mohana to Luhagadi junction, and behind from Adaba to Mohana, there were six PWG posters and banners tied to bamboos and put along the State Highway no-17. At some places CRPF, jawans were patrolling. The State Police personnel were also watchful in civil clothes.

The family had their packed dinner in our vehicle. My friend and I went to the dhaba at Luhagadi. The dhabawala tols us to finish food quickly. Martyrs’ Week was accompanying fear and distrust to everywhere. We wondered, “if Naxals are championing the cause of people, then, why people are afraid of Naxals? And, when Naxals claim that they have the backing of the people, then, why there is an atmosphere of distrust and discomfort among people?”

“Sir, you never know, what will happen, when and where,” said the dhabawala. And, in the end, we were forced to think Naxals do not just survive by people’s support as they claim. It’s the power flowing from the barrel of the gun that makes them survive.