Saturday, October 21, 2006

Federal police force in the offing

This is one issue that really needs peoples complete support. The supreme court was right in ordering the implemenation of these reforms which are long over due. One of them is the creation of a federal police force that can fight terrorism, gather intelligence and most of all, clip the wings of state CM's and also keep a eye on the corrupt state police forces. Look at how these political mafia is resisting the implementation of the police reforms.

This is a subscription article:


Law And Order

The Supreme Court has issued directives for sweeping reforms in the police force. But the state governments, in fear of losing control over their fiefdom, are not very keen on implementation.

By Amarnath K. Menon

FUTURE PERFECT: The police force is up for a major overhaul

Come New Year, if the Supreme Court of India has its way, the police in the country are in for a meaningful makeover. The force may finally break free from the stranglehold of their political bosses and function with greater operational autonomy and professionalism.

The court directive recommends sweeping reforms, from restructuring of the entire force to its modernisation and various qualitative changes. The reforms have been long overdue as the profile of the constabulary and lower tiers, accounting for 90 per cent of the force, has changed vastly with more educated men and women joining at this entry level, expecting a satisfying, if not challenging, career. "If professional excellence is to be nurtured, even at the level of the constabulary, working conditions have to be improved," says Andhra Pradesh Director-General of Police Swaranjit Sen. This also calls for a change in the mindset of lower-tier officials that obedience and servility to senior officers and political masters is essential for promotion and better placements.

Though it took a decade for the Supreme Court to decide on the public interest litigation (PIL) seeking reforms in the police system, it has finally ordered a complete clean-up. The three-judge bench headed by Chief Justice of India Y.K. Sabharwal has ordered the cabinet secretary and chief secretaries to implement the directives. It has also asked Solicitor General G.E. Vahanvati to ensure that all file compliance reports are presented to it on January 3.

Unfortunately, the Supreme Court fiat is construed by most states as avoidable intervention by the judiciary in the role of the executive. After a couple of notices and an eight-week time limit, only eight states have responded by filing affidavits and that too opposing the proposed reforms. "While only Orissa favoured the petition, others summarily rejected it," observed Sabharwal while announcing the court's directives. Interestingly, despite recommendations from six national-level and 11 state-level police commissions, little has been done to usher in the reforms.

Clearly, it is not easy to free the police of political meddling. "A beginning has been made to bring accountability in the system," says lawyer Prashant Bhushan, who presented the case for the petitioners-Prakash Singh, a retired DGP of Uttar Pradesh and the NGO Common Cause. "This may well be the end of many aberrations that reduced the police to individual fiefdoms," says Singh.

KEEN ON IT: Manmohan and Patil are pushing for reforms

Mandarins in the North Block, after dragging their feet over the issue since 1981, have in the last two years got their act together at the behest of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Home Minister Shivraj Patil, who are eager about implementing the far-reaching changes. "We have already been seriously working towards police reforms. The court's directive has further strengthened our hands," says Home Secretary V.K. Duggal, "The Government would meet the deadline set by the apex court to implement the recommendations of the various police commissions."

The Home Ministry is keen on creating a federal agency that can investigate cases that have inter-state and international ramifications. Cases with cross-border implications like narcotics, trafficking of women and smuggling of arms are to be handled by what is to be called the Central Intelligence and Investigating Agency. The Central Government can directly ask it to investigate certain cases without the consent of the states.


All states are to constitute a State Security Commission (SSC), a Police Establishment Board and a Police Complaints Authority.
States must ensure that all officers, from the rank of an SP to DGP, hold office, wherever they are posted, for at least two years.

The UPSC will recommend three DGPs for each state out of which one will be selected by the SSC.

Similarly, there will be a National Security Commission to pick the heads of the BSF, CISF, CRPF and the ITBP.

The NHRC, Centre and Bureau of Police Research and Development will consider handing over cases of cross-border offences to the CBI.

Ironically, the court's order came exactly a fortnight after the Police Act Drafting Committee headed by Soli Sorabjee put out for debate the rough draft for a new law to replace the antiquated Indian Police Act of 1861. "The master of the police is the law of the land. Abiding by it is essential to restore confidence in the police," says Sorabjee. The draft Police Act has provisions to check pressure on subordinate officers from their superiors. Critics, however, argue that while it is a positive step, the work of a narrowly-conceived committee is well short of the comprehensive reforms needed.

At the same time, another special committee, constituted in December 2004, has identified 49 recommendations from the numerous reports of different police commissions to bring about drastic changes in the police and policing. It has confined itself to drawing up recommendations that are crucial for improvement in police functioning and the implementation of which would make an immediate impact on the reform process.

Among the shortlisted recommendations are those on which the Supreme Court has issued directives. The other recommendations include the creation of a federal police for internal security, modernisation of police forces, improvement in forensic science and infrastructure, tackling organised crime, tracking economic offences, amending the Identification of Prisoners Act and measures to improve accountability and efficiency at all levels of the police hierarchy.

"While only Orissa favoured the petition (on police reforms), others rejected it."

Duggal has discussed the recommendations with chief ministers to emphasise the urgency of reforms during inter-state council meetings, but the states have not shown any interest or alacrity in implementing them. "We have to make chief ministers understand that the police reforms will improve functioning in the long term and remove any apprehensions that they may have on the proposed changes," says Kamal Kumar, director, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel National Police Academy, Hyderabad, and member secretary of the special recommendations committee.

For kickstarting the reform process, urgent action on the part of chief ministers is needed. But there is little as many of them feel that the reforms are intended to clip their wings. While the implementation may take time owing to fierce political opposition, at least a beginning has been made in transforming a decadent colonial police into a people-friendly modern force.

ASHA PROJECTS:Where does all the money go?

ASHA PROJECTS:Where does all the money go? by Nirupama Rajan and Radha Rajan

This chapter is Chapter 8 in the book “NGOs, Activists and Foreign Funds: Anti-nation Industry” (Ed. Radha Rajan and Krishen Kak, Vigil Public Opinion Forum, 2006) and focuses on foreign funds received by Sandeep Pandey’s ASHA. In this chapter, we will be looking at some of the projects that ASHA has funded in India by raising money from across the U.S and Europe. And yet, Sandeep Pandey when questioned about ‘foreign funds’, refused the claim and declared that ‘on principle’ he was against foreign funds. We present the news report that carried Sandeep Pandey’s preposterous claim at the end and present tChapter 8 of the Vigil book online for readers to judge for themselves not only ASHA’s accounting practices but also the motives behind awarding the Magsaysay.

Nirupama Rajan downloaded all the projects funded by ASHA from ASHA’s website: Click The website allows us to download by Year, Chapter or Projects. There are altogether 1,53 8 projects under this category. The projects are numbered chronologically and mention the Chapter, if any, which funded the project and the amount of money granted to the project in a particular year. If a project has been granted money for four years, either consecutive or otherwise, by the same Chapter or different Chapters, the project is listed four times at different chronological numbers, with the names of the Chapters making the grant, the year of the grant and the amount of money granted.

Nirupama made an XL file of the data so downloaded with filters so that we could look for any information Chapter-wise, project-wise, money-wise or year-wise. Radha ran a random check of the projects listed on the website to critically examine the kind of projects that were being ‘shepherded’, as the Magsaysay citation put it, by Sandeep Pandey. She found that some projects had the basics – Chapter, year, money and description while many had only sketchy or no details at all. Some projects carried details of so-called ‘project reports’ while some indicated the reports on the webpage which, however, did not open. This was both Nirupama’s and Radha’s experience. In this chapter, we are not even getting into the issue of whether FCRA has verified the truth or otherwise about whether these projects really exist on the ground, whether targets have been achieved and if the funds really reached the intended end-source and the like. We are only examining the details provided by ASHA on its website about the projects and the funds received. We take the data as presented by ASHA at face value and subject it to critical scrutiny.

Obviously, this chapter is about exposing what we think are gross accounting inadequacies, to put it charitably. As Radha began to analyse the projects listed on ASHA’s website, she stumbled upon no fewer than five Pandey funding beneficiaries – Sandeep, Mahesh, Vallabhacharya, Asha and Sudhakar – all apparently connected. We also do know that that there have been meetings of ASHA office-bearers over the issue of accounting. When one of them suggests hiring a professional chartered accountant on a salary, Sandeep Pandey says he finds the idea of a professional accountant ‘uncomfortable’ and suggests that they continue with one of them taking care of accounts, while a trustee called Shanmuga expressed the view that for NGOs a professional and paid accountant is ‘dangerous’
( Click ).

We can now understand why!

1. Uncorrelated contributions over two years.

Poorna Vidya Project, money given only by Chennai Chapter.
Rs 95 Chennai Chapter 2004
Rs 1,78,360 Chennai Chapter 2005

Project Description:
Volunteers of ASHA Chennai have also been participating in the Chennai Citizen’s Forum that looks at improving the Chennai Corporation Schools. In late 2003, the Pitt Macdonald lodge of the Free Masons society approached ASHA Chennai to take up improvements at a Corporation school as a pilot project which can then be expanded to cover more such schools. The contacts made through Chennai Citizens’ Forum and the proposal from the Pitt Macdonald Lodge fit in perfectly with ASHA Chennai’s vision to improve the government schools. We undertook the project to improve corporation primary school, Paindiyamman Koil Street, Odaikuppam (opp. Ashtalakshmi Koil, Besant Nagar) in Zone No. 10.


To facilitate learning in the classroom through creation of learning corners within each classroom, through provision of a variety of age appropriate material. Organising children to work as a group and as individuals. Linking the material with subjects. To build the capacity of the teachers in lesson planning, choosing appropriate methods and evolving necessary material so that concepts of child-centered learning are internalised. To enable teachers and children to monitor progress and evaluate levels of learning. To promote all round development of children through music, craft, art, drama, dance and sports activities during classes and workshops. To ensure that vibrant library activities become part of the school time- table and a variety of creative activities are built around it.
To facilitate regular involvement of the parents in PTA meetings and sharing the progress of their children.

Project Type: Formal Schools
Primary Focus: to go to formal school
Area: Rural

Comment: Except for providing every class-room with age-appropriate material, which calls for some small money to create the material, the rest of the objectives listed in Purpose/Goals do not need money to implement, only care and dedication. Radha Rajan has some experience in teaching children and has herself created teaching material outside of prescribed textbooks to enable children with varying abilities to learn without stress. And creating this material certainly doesn’t demand one lakh, seventy-eight thousand rupees.

Having received a mere 95 rupees in 2004, this project through the ASHA Chennai Chapter alone receives Rs 1,78,360 (one lakh, seventy-eight thousand, three-hundred and sixty) the very next year. While one school has been named specifically as having been chosen for ‘improvement’, the rest of the project description is very general and full of good intentions. There is no detail on whether all the money received in 2005 went towards improving just this one school or if other schools benefited too. If yes, which schools? There are also no details about the kind of improvements that were effected in the Besant Nagar school and the costs involved. And Besant Nagar, far from being ‘rural’ as it is described in the last line, is a posh, elitist and one of the most prosperous up-end localities in Chennai. This report has been prepared obviously on hearsay and is inaccurate.

2. Akanksha

Eindhoven Chapter contributed to four different projects in 2003 and 2004. One project has a recorded contribution of Euros 0.

Project Description:

This is our joint effort together with ASHA Bangalore volunteers in Bangalore. The goal is to procure used computers from various IT companies in Bangalore and install them in government schools to teach students basics of computers. Volunteers from Bangalore chapter have taken the responsibility for training the teachers and making sure the computers are up and running all the time.”
(Click )

Comment: This ASHA chapter is located in the Netherlands. This is probably to give ASHA the veneer of being not just an American-based Indian NGO but also as having a European presence. But why specify euros when none were received? Tall orders for a project with zero euros as funds. So, why put up the project on the list when there are no funds and, we presume, the project has not taken off the ground. The idea is probably to compile an impressive list of projects for potential donors who may just peruse or glance through the website without subjecting it to critical scrutiny.

3. (a) Category called ‘General Funds’ as source of funds

Comment: A total of $43,496 has come in for unspecified, miscellaneous purposes, but the source has been classified as General Funds. The Chapters from where these ‘General Funds’ have come are also not specified, rather ‘General Funds’ is placed under the ‘Chapter’ category. The purpose of these ‘General Funds’ is also not always specified. For example, look at 3(b) where, along with money raised for ASHA Center, Kanpur, from various Chapters, there is one category called ‘General Funds’ which doesn’t indicate source of funds. As pointed out, a total of $43,496 has come in as ‘General Funds’ and there are no details about the specific source of funds or to what use they have been put. Refer to ASHA project numbers 556, 557, 744, 745, 746, 943, and 1211, for more ‘General Funds’. ‘General Funds’ appears to be an accounting black hole.

(b) Asha Center, Kanpur

Funds Disbursed
1999 Work an Hour $10,000.00
2000 Silicon Valley $3,400.00
2000 Dallas $4,300.00
2000 Seattle $3,000.00
2000 General Funds $5,500.00
2000 Silicon Valley $15,556.00
Total = $41,756
( Click)

Comment: While a total of $41,756 has come into ASHA Center, Kanpur, there are two questions here:
Why are there no details about how the money was utilized in these three years, 1999, 2000 and 2002? $41,756 is a very large amount of money with not even broad details about why and what for.

4. $10,250 has been contributed to various projects listed below but the source of the funds is unknown. They have not been classified even as ‘General Funds’. It is money that has just come in.

(a) Asha
This project named ‘Ankuran’ has received a total of $11,500 of which $6,500 was received in 1999 from the Arizona Chapter while $5,000 was received in 1997 but does not say from which chapter or the source of the funds.

(b) Click
Titled ‘MVF’, this project received a total of $9,250 between 1997 and 1999. It received $2,000 in 1997 but the Chapter which made the grant or the source of funds is not cited. No details about where the money came from.

(c) Click
This is the Nankari school profiled below at number 5. This project received $1000 but there are no details about which ASHA Chapter funded this project or about the source of funds.

(d) Click
This money has been received in the name of Thoraiyur High School which received a total of $1,500 — $750 in 1997 and $750 in 1998. There is no information about which Chapter funded the amount in 1997.

(e) Click
This is the Jamshedpur project profiled at number 18A below. A total of $1,500 has been received for this project but there is no information about which ASHA Chapter funded this project.

Comment: In some of the projects cited in this chapter of the book, wherever the project description has not been able to cite the ASHA Chapter which funded the project, it has been categorised as ‘General Funds’. However, in the five projects cited above in this section, not only is there no information about the ASHA Chapters funding these projects, the project webpage does not even cite the source of funds as ‘General Funds’.

5. Nankari School

1997 $1000
Kanpur is surrounded by villages where the literacy level of the people is very low. Three sisters in the area have started a school for about 70 children from first to sixth standard. They wish to incorporate teaching skills like making greeting cards to the children.
( Click )

Comment: ‘Making greeting cards’ cannot be termed ‘teaching skills’ and there are no details about how the one thousand dollars were used. No details on which Chapter funded this project and what the money was used for.

6. 1996 Central/NJ $500
2004 NYC/NJ $8500
Total = $9000

Comment: These are projects listed at chronological numbers 10 and 134 respectively in the ASHA project list which, while they tell that these Chapters have granted this amount of money, there is no information about the projects for which this money was raised.

7. Towering ambitions for $ 1!

Sugandha Project has had a one-time contribution of $1 (in 2004) from the Boston MIT Chapter.

Project Description:
To educate the destitute and under-privileged, orphans, poor children living below poverty line and to develop these children into responsible citizens, prepare them in good vocation for a decent living and to make them self-sufficient. To open an orphanage, handicapped school and school for these children To provide food, clothes, books, stationery, other basic necessities. To provide medical aid and healthcare facilities. To provide professional training and skills like mechanic, electrician, paramedic, etc. To improve the environment and inculcate habits resulting in clean surrounding. To create awareness about forestation, clean drinking water, personal hygiene, etc. To provide facilities for games, sports and cultural activities.”

Comment: All these magnificent noble intentions for just $1?

8. Short-lived noble thought

Tuition fees funding of students from Govt. College Leather Technology
Another one time contribution is for Tuition Fee Funding of poor students from Govt. College Leather Technology in 2004 for Euros 370 from the Nijmegen Chapter.

Purpose / Goals:
Helping bright students from rural and poor background to get higher education and thus, enabling them to come out of circle of poverty. Efforts of these students will help increase motivation of the community and inspire more children from these rural and poor communities to continue their education.

Comment: So what happened to these excellent noble intentions after 2004? And is this kind of ‘funding’ poor students different from the ASHA scholarships? If yes, then there are no details about how they differ.

9. One night stand

Eegai Tsunami Relief Work
Funds Disbursed
2005 St. Louis $3,835.00
( Click)

Comment: Eagai Tsunami Relief Work is another project that has received a one-time contribution of $3835, from the St. Louis Chapter. There is no specification of whether this project is ongoing or completed. We present this project as a test case of how even when there is a seeming ‘project report’ the details in the report are sometimes not of ‘things achieved’ but merely repeat the ‘must do’, ‘intended’, ‘will hope for’ good intentions already found in the project description. Rarely do ‘project reports’ justify the quantum of funds received for that particular project. The tsunami was the proverbial ‘golden goose’ for several NGOs out to make a fast buck.

The points under ‘Purpose/Goals’ are a case in point. This section is divided into Primary Objective and Secondary Objective. The difference as we can make out is that the ‘noble intentions’ of the Secondary Objective are more grandiloquent and bombastic than the noble intentions of the Primary Objective. The description of ‘Purpose/Goals’ is remarkable for its vagueness, aimlessness and brazen lack of specific details. The ‘Project Type’ description says ‘one time/infrastructure’ although the points mentioned under ‘Purpose/Goals’ are all long-term and ongoing processes.

Project Description:
After Tsunami, most of the main towns are basically covered by all the NGOs and Govt. agencies. And the small villages were mostly neglected, due to inconvenience in transport and various other reasons. Eegai identified two villages (Thazhampettai and Pudupettai), which are badly affected and the children are the main victims. The two remote villages are near Tharangambadi, in Nagapattinam district. Eegai is planning to provide the support and necessary help to these two villages to come back to normality.

Purpose / Goals
Primary Objective:
To help the infants and kids, to provide foods, clothes etc. Taking care of the school children to pursue their education in a better manner. To provide the necessary educational support for children, try to provide employment-oriented courses for the discontinued students from 10th and 12th Std. Example like MRF Driving School, Apparel Training Centre., etc…Any other aids/help for betterment of these two villagers.

Secondary Objective:
Assist the villagers to get good design of houses. If they are interested, they can go for 1+1 structure. The design can be sourced through our contacts or from IIT, Chennai or any reputed institutions. Assist the young villagers to give basic training in construction. Assist the young villagers to provide training in terms of servicing their engine boats. Assist the villagers to form a team, provide them necessary guidance to procure loans from Bank. Get boats at cheaper prices…etc…Link the Fisherman to Fisheries Institute and provide them basic training and to know about the advancement. Other possible help to form them in groups and lead a comfortable life. To provide training for ladies through our known self-help group contacts.

Project Type: One Time / Infrastructure
Site Visit Report: 5
Visited on 02/05/2005 & 02/06/2005
Onsite Update : Visit to Thazhampettai village on 02/05/2005 & 02/06/2005
Visit by Chezhian, Suresh Kumar and volunteers
Posted on February 07, 2005
This week Chezhian brought 16 students (IX Std.), 2 teachers (Lakshmi School, Karuppayurani) and 1 volunteer from Madurai and I took 2 lady volunteers from Chennai. We had time to concentrate only on Thazhampet.

Day-1 (Saturday) was spent in engaging the kids in various games. We also participated in games like volleyball and kabaddi with youngsters.
Day-2 (Sunday forenoon) was spent in engaging the kids in various craft activities. Kudos to Lakshmi School. We are sure, the students enjoyed the trip and had an altogether different experience in their lives.
We left Thirukkadaiyur at around 13:00 Hrs. The activities impressed the village kids to the extent of asking, “Will you come tomorrow?”
We supplied the following items:
1. 3 Bicycles
2. Health Flour (Sathu maavu)
3. Blouse pieces
4. Biscuits
5. Pencils
6. Pencil Boxes
7. Mathematical Tables (Vaaipaadu)
8. Notebooks
9. Some books for the recent coming exams
10. Balls and bats (Donated by Lakshmi School)
We have (once again) asked the elders to build a model, acceptable to majority of the villagers, wherein if we supply boats and nets, it will benefit the entire community. Similarly we have asked the ladies to look into community kitchen concept which will make our spend economical.
We took Arun, a volunteer from CCD, to speak to the villagers. He will be once again meeting them today. We expect Arun to supply nets through CCD. For this, he will need the village to be organised (and united) by means of Ladies Self-Support Group. (He will lead this initiative in a professional way.)
Nedunchezhian D
Suresh Kumar R.

Comment: $3,835 amounts to nearly 2 lakh Indian rupees. Three cycles, pencils, pencil boxes, notebooks, ‘some books’, and ‘health flour’ at best would have cost not more than five to six thousand rupees altogether. But there are no other accounting details about where the rest of the money went. There is no report if the boats were procured and delivered and if community kitchens were set up. These details are not difficult to present on the website considering that there is a detailed report about an inconsequential sight-seeing trip to these villages.

Nedunchezhian and Suresh’s so-called report, except for arranging some outside students and teachers to visit the village in question, is only full of future good intentions. This NGO sprung up only in 2005 in the aftermath of the tsunami, one among the hundreds that mushroomed overnight, seeing in the tsunami relief work potential for a profitable commercial enterprise. The project description as usual is full of good intention generalities. But there is no information on what precisely this group undertook to do and what results were achieved for 2 lakh rupees. And the most pertinent question, why did ASHA choose to fund a new NGO when there were other well-known groups working for relief?

10. Serving a political cause for free!

Review of social studies textbooks in Gujarat.
There has been $ 0 as contribution that is registered from the Seattle Chapter.

Project Description:
We started this exercise of reviewing textbooks after we heard complaints about the content of the social studies textbooks in Gujarat. Media reports talked about the poor state and also the communal overtones of the books. So we decided to check it out for ourselves. ASHA has been very closely involved with education for over a decade. But to our knowledge a systematic assessment of the quality of teaching material has never been made. We feel that such an assessment is necessary to really understand what the children are subjected to in schools. Soon after starting we realised that we were entering a problematic territory. We heard a lot about ‘communalisation’ of Gujarat textbooks. In addition to aspects of this, we found a whole lot of other issues in these books.

Our guidelines
Before I go into details of what we found, let me give you the set of guidelines that we were following when looking into the textbooks. We selected the following questions as our guidelines:
• Does the textbook provide a comprehensive view of history?
• Does the textbook present history in a clear and coherent manner?
• Does history follow a timeline?
• Does the textbook promote different types of biases and stereotyping?
• Are there any factual inaccuracies?
• Does the textbook promote analytical thinking on part of the student?
• Are multiple viewpoints presented?
• Does the textbook provide background for pressing social problems in India?

What we found
We found all kinds of issues including the following— widespread mix-up of history with mythology, promotion of various types of biases and stereotyping, incoherent and incomprehensive presentation of history, poor presentation, factual inaccuracies and often lack of any attempt towards promoting critical thinking among children. Project Type: Working with the Government [emphasis added]
(Click )

Comment: Now this is a joke. I would have thought working against the Narendra Modi Government would have been a more accurate description. This project, which is one of the 1,538 projects listed in the ASHA funding website, is overtly political in that it has undertaken a review of textbooks as a part of their history/fiction-writing obsessions in a state which they fear is completely Hinduised. Sandeep Pandey was obviously justifying his Magsaysay citation which commended him for resisting Government plans to favour Hinduism in state schools. (excerpts from the citation are presented at the end of this chapter). No money though! At least none that is on the website. We must take it that the textbooks were reviewed free of cost by ASHA to retrospectively justify Sandeep’s Magsaysay!!

11. Fellowships

Many fellowships have been handed out to several people of whom three are Pandeys – Sandeep himself, Mahesh and Vallabhacharya.

Year 2005 Mahesh Pandey DC chapter $3000
The reason for the fellowship is stated as:
Project Description:
This fellowship support is to allow the fellow to focus on region’s development through education, income generation, right to information, projects development and coordination, site visits to projects, projects accounts and audits, and other relevant activities in the interest of ASHA for Education. By close participation with the fellow, ASHA stands to gain the perspective on the issues of the underprivileged and the marginalised communities that the fellow works with.”

Year 2005 Vallabhacharya Pandey
Silicon Valley $3000
The reason for the fellowship is stated as:
Purpose / Goals:
Fellowship of Vallbh bhai allows immense support of Asha India and ASHA for Education activities world wide. Purpose of this fellowship is to benefit from his capabilities in projects coordination, projects audits and accounting, and monitoring and evaluation activities.”

Comment: While there is at least a brief account on the purpose of the above two fellowships, Sandeep Pandey’s own fellowship comes with no stated purpose or description:
Funding Info
2001 Silicon Valley $800.00
2002 Silicon Valley $800.00
2002 General Funds $250.00
Total =$1,850
( Click)

Comment: This is what the Magsaysay citation had to say: ‘ASHA’s teachers take no pay. Instead, they support themselves with sidelines such as making candles and greeting cards from handmade paper’!

12. International network of Christian NGOs in dalit colonies

‘The International Ocean Institute (IOI), Anawim’ project is one of the few projects that have received a maximum amount of contribution on a regular basis; $68,755 from 2000 to 2004. This project focuses almost exclusively on dalit colonies. The details available from the website indicate that while the project pays cursory attention to the children of these colonies, their main focus seems to be on women – organising micro-credit and self-help groups. ASHA is partnering two other NGOs in this project – The International Ocean Institute located in IIT Chennai, and Anawim which seems to be a Church-funded NGO run by Christians who also receive funds from churches in the Netherlands. The ultimate objective of Church-funded and Church-backed NGOs working in dalit colonies and among the fishing communities along the coasts is to create Christian majority pockets, villages and districts in the country.

DETAILED REPORT: The Anawim Trust (excerpt from the webpage of this project, URL cited below).
An NGO group started in 1993 to improve local conditions in the Tuticorin District of Tamil Nadu. Registered in Tuticorin in 1997, FCRA clearance in 2000. The Trustees of the organisation are:
Mr. John Sekhar—Commissioner of Customs, Chennai
Mr. K. Sundaraj—Retd. Police Sub, Inspector, Tuticorin
Mr. G. Rajasekar—Asst. Manager, Air India, Thiruvananthapuram
Mr. A. Selwyn—Surveyor, Govt. of Tamil Nadu, Nagercoil
Mrs. Shanthi Devapriam —Director and Secretary, Anawim Trust.

Comment: All Christians?

Shanthi manages the operation of Anawim and the women and children programs. Selwyn manages the educational components of the programs on a part time basis. Sundaraj oversees the accounts and manages the FCRA account. Further, Anawim has 6 additional office staff and 28 directly supported teachers (one for each centre). Annual reports 1997-2001 can be made available on request. They run operations to the tune of roughly Rs. 21 lakhs/annum ($55,000) (audit statement 2001-02).
Main funding sources for 2001-02:
United Churches of Netherlands: Rs. 5.6 lakhs
Microcredit Funding: Rs. 4.5 lakhs
Other Donations: Rs. 2.2 lakhs
ASHA: Rs. 75,000
CRY: Rs. 1.25 lakhs
AEON Foundation (Japanese): Rs. 75,000
GTZ Spirulina Program: Rs. 25,000
SEA Program: Rs. 25,000

Comment: Unlike the textbook review project in Gujarat which is overtly political, the political intentions of this project are covert. Church-backed and Church-funded NGOs focus exclusively on dalit localities and women’s issues. The dalit issue has been internationalised precisely because of the involvement of local and foreign churches in so-called ‘dalit welfare’. ‘Dalit’ is a 20th century Christian missionary construct with explicit political overtones and objectives. The International Ocean Institute, Anawim and ASHA come together in this project. The Church-funded NGOs which operate in the dalit colonies in the country are the primary informers against Hindu society through an agency called the International Dalit Solidarity Network (IDSN) to the churches and Christian NGOs abroad.

Indian Christian NGOs-Foreign Christian NGOs in India like Cordaid (Catholic Organisation for Relief and Development), Caritas, ICCO (Interchurch Organisation for Development Cooperation), CARE-CRY-IDSN-American and European Churches-Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch-US State Department and the European Parliament—connection is a powerful anti-Hindu web. The issue of women’s rights as human rights, dalit rights as human rights, and ‘caste is racism’ have been internationalised and politicised by this network with the calculated intention of defaming and discrediting the Hindu dharma, Hindu society and the Hindu people. As pointed out earlier, this project receives funds from the churches in the Netherlands. Cordaid, ICCO and Indian Committee of the Netherlands are Dutch Christian NGOs which actively campaign against the Hindus in the guise of dalit human rights with the European Parliament.

Justitia et Pax
Justitia et Pax is the world-wide organisation for ‘justice and peace’ of the Catholic Church. It aims to inspire and mobilise Catholics to commit themselves to human rights, and advises and supports bishops and church organisations in the area of justice and peace.
Justitia et Pax has a network of over 130 national commissions on all continents. The work of the Dutch commission focuses on three themes: Human Rights world-wide, Social Justice (in particular poverty in the Dutch society), and Pluralist Society (integration, refugees, and tolerance between communities).

Dalits in India
Justitia et Pax works to improve the miserable living conditions of the dalits (untouchables) in India. Together with the Landelijke India Werkgroep, CMC and ICCO, Justitia et Pax has founded the Dalit Network Netherlands (DNN). In October the campaign ‘Stop Caste Discrimination – Support the Dalits’ was launched. In its lobbying work the DNN mainly focused on the Dutch EU Presidency.

Comment: This project has been set up by ASHA in partnership with Church-funded NGOs in just one district in Tamil Nadu and this is the international network effected by just one small Christian NGO. There are other churches, other networks and other donor agencies, like AID, ActionAid, AID-India, and World Vision, operating in other districts of Tamil Nadu and in other states in India. Elsewhere in the book Radha Rajan has drawn attention to the highly political ‘dalit’ Christian from Gujarat, Martin Macwan who is backed by a White American, Kathy Sreedhar, whose links with Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the Unitarian Universalist Church and Council on Foreign Relations have been exposed. Father Cedric Prakash, the globe-trotting Jesuit with a dalit agenda is also from Gujarat. The nexus between the political, Christian construct called ‘dalit’, foreign churches, human rights organisations and White, Western governments is well and truly established.

This project merits a complete analysis on its own if only because there is a lot of money coming to it with definite political objectives. If you read all ‘project reports’ on the right hand side of the web page, then you realise it is full of good intentions but doesn’t tell you where all the money went. And also that most of the links on the right hand side of the web page (allegedly ‘reports’ of the project) conveniently do not open. And those that do open are full of ‘good intentions’ again with no details about what has been achieved in specific terms.
Funds Disbursed
2000 Boston/MIT $2,575.00
2000 Seattle $2,500.00
2000 Work an Hour $5,500.00
2001 Silicon Valley $3,000.00
2001 Boston/MIT $2,500.00
2001 Seattle $3,500.00
2001 Work an Hour $5,500.00
2002 Berkeley $6,000.00
2002 Silicon Valley $3,000.00
2002 Stanford $7,000.00
2002 Seattle $5,000.00
2003 St. Louis $7,000.00
2003 St. Louis $1,000.00
2003 NYC/NJ $5,000.00
2003 Seattle $1,200.00
2004 Silicon Valley $1,000.00
2004 St. Louis $3,500.00
2004 NYC/NJ $1,000.00
2004 NYC/NJ $3,000.00
2004 Singapore INR 21,000.00
Total = $69,232.80
January 2003, Kumar’s site visit report is very interesting. Fully managed by Christians, heavily funded by foreign Churches. (see comments above)

13. Disparity in Dates

Malarchi is a project that is stated to have begun in 1970. The project is recorded as completed where all objectives have been met. However, funding for this project as shown on the website of Asha has come in only in 1996 and 1997.
Funds Disbursed
1996 Boston/MIT $1,020.00
1997 Boston/MIT $1,020.00
Total = $2,040

Comment:There have been no other prior contributions and none after this period. There is no detail on when the project concluded and what were the objectives that were achieved in order to term it as completed.

Project Description:
Malarchi is a home for children from families that have been deserted, or seriously abused, by the father, and where the mother is unable to provide for them. The children are educated in local schools.
( Click)

Comment: Though the above description ends with a link to the project conclusion, the link only leads to an error page and does not open.
Another interesting point to note is that the contributions made both times are identical, which could mean that it represents fixed costs. This being a reasonable assumption to make, there are no details on what this money covered.
And since the project is complete, one would assume that detailed accounts should be available, especially since Vallabhacharya Pandey had been awarded a fellowship to improve accounting practices!

14. MIPS—Madurai Institute of Peace Science

This is another project that is termed as completed. The stated purpose of this project seems rather dubious.

Purpose / Goals
Tutoring and facilities for 101 children in 4 hamlets of Alathur Panchayat, Madurai District. Funding required for one year. Later, it is supposed to be self sufficient.”

Comment: As the purpose states, ASHA managed to provide funding of $5660 in total in that one year in 1997. However there is no reason stated as to why the funding was needed only for that one year, or how the institute intends to become self-sufficient with the money received in that one year.

Project Description:
After hours coaching facility and study centre for children of SC/ST landless labourers. Homes of these labourers do not offer a conducive environment for children to study because of lack of lighting, space, poor ventilation etc. This is one of the reasons for high dropout rates and poor performance of these children. Moreover, these labourers are not literate themselves and cannot provide the help and support for these children to study. A total of 101 school children of all age groups will be benefitted. The project is going to buy infrastructure equipment (blackboards, writing tables etc.), provide tutoring with the help of one trained tutor plus 2 volunteers per hamlet. The project also will provide basic health checkups for the children. In addition, the project will provide a library and a recreational facility for the children.
( Click)

As stated earlier, since the project is completed, there should be accounts available. However, none have been shown.

15. Asha Center, Ballia

Project Type: Educational Experiments
Primary Focus: to go to formal school
Secondary Focus: girls
Other Focus: other
Area: Rural
Funds Disbursed
1996 Berkeley $300.00
1998 Berkeley $450.00
1998 Cleveland $1,500.00
1999 DC $3,000.00
2001 General Funds $22,196.00
Total = $27,446
( Click )

Comment: No project description, no details on where the money went and once again note the category ‘General Funds’ with the largest amount to its credit - $22,196, very similar to ASHA Center, Kanpur.

16. Prerana Dham

Project Description:

Prerana uses an innovative scheme to provide impetus to the process of setting up schools in the local villages. The idea is to first set up schools there that are modeled on Govt. schools and then pressure the Govt. into take over the running of these schools”.
1995 Stanford $2,000.00
1998 Seattle $500.00
Total = $2,500

Comment: No details on the gap between 1995 and 1998, why the project didn’t receive funds thereafter. There is also no information on how many such schools were set up and how many of these schools were taken over by the Government due to pressure from ASHA.

17. Nameless, faceless wonders!

In this section, we are presenting projects that, like prisoners (and no.6 above), have only numbers for identity, the year in which the grant was made and the amount of money. There is absolutely no information on what these projects are, where they are located, what were the objectives of these projects, and how the money was used.

Project 1
Funds Disbursed
1996 Arizona $1,000.00

Project 2
Funds Disbursed
1996 Berkeley $3,000.00

Project 3
Funds Disbursed
1996 Stanford $5,000.00

Project 4
Funds Disbursed
1996 Stanford $5,000.00

Project 5
Funds Disbursed
1996 Stanford $2,692.00

Project 6
Funds Disbursed
1996 Colorado $515.00

Project 7
Funds Disbursed
1996 Chicago $445.00

Project 11
Funds Disbursed
1996 Research Triangle Park $1,506.00

Project 13
Funds Disbursed
1996 Seattle $5,000.00

Project 14
Funds Disbursed
1996 Seattle $5,000.00

Project 15
Funds Disbursed
1996 Seattle $8,443.00

Comment: This appears to be a perfect accounting black hole. A total of $ 37,601 has been granted in 1996 alone through these projects, with no details on any project or where and how the money went. There is also a gap between Project 7 and Project 11. We may safely assume that the money for Projects 8, 9 and 10 which are not to be found in the website have simply been left unmentioned; this money, because it has no name, by Cartesian law, therefore does not exist.

18. We have a name but no face, and in one instance a face with two names.
In this section, we look at projects that have been named after an Indian city or state but, except for indicating the amount of money received for the project, there are no details or information about the nature of the project, where exactly they are located, what were the objectives and how the money was used.

(A) Jamshedpur Project:
Funds Disbursed
2000 $1,500.00

Comment: No project description. No source of funds specified and no details about how the funds were used.

(B) The Jhansi Project has had two contributions.
Funds Disbursed
1999 Berkeley $1,850.00
2000 Berkeley $2,200.00
Total = $4,050

Comment: The project is running a formal school. However, since the year 2000, there have been no contributions. There is again no information on whether the project is ongoing or discontinued.

(C) Varanasi Project:
Project Description: The School was started by Mrs. Asha Pandey [another Pandey!] on July 1, 1996, in Varanasi. The aim of this project is to provide education to those children who due to extreme poverty do not have the opportunity to go to school. The school was founded with the hope and intention of growing and developing as the children who come also develop and grow. Asha Pandey is the project coordinator. She received her M.A. in psychology from Banaras Hindu University, as well as completing a one year teacher’s training course. Upon graduation, she worked for 2 years as a teacher at the Ram Niwas school, as well as at the St. Atulanand Central School, both in Varanasi. At St. Atulanand’s there were 65-70 children under her supervision in the classroom. The methods at this school were not beneficial to teaching or learning for that matter and Mrs. Pandey became bored with the monotony of the existing system.

Funds Disbursed
1996 Syracuse $1,153.00
Comment: Only one year and then what? What happened to Asha Pandey’s boredom after 1996?

(D) Rajasthan Project:
Funds Disbursed
1997 Indiana $2,500.00
1998 Cornell $600.00
Total = $3,100

No details about what this project was about, whether it was one time or ongoing, etc.

(E) Bihar Project:
Funds Disbursed
1997 Austin $630.00

Comment: No details at all.

(F) UP Project:
Funds Disbursed
1996 Philadelphia $400.00

Listed as Project 12 in the financials. No details.

(G) Prakash:
Funds Disbursed
1999 Indiana $2,500.00
2000 Indiana $2,800.00
Total = $5,300

No details.

(H) Bisauli:
Funds Disbursed
1999 Indiana $5,000.00
2000 Indiana $3,000.00
Total = $8000

No details.

(I) Hamsadhwani Project:
Funds Disbursed
1999 Silicon Valley $10,000.00

No details.

(J) The Laubach Literacy:
Funding Info
1997 Stanford $1,500.00
1998 Silicon Valley $4,500.00
1999 Silicon Valley $3,000.00

Comment: No information on whether project is ongoing or discontinued or what the project is about, in which city, village or state it was started or any other detail.

(K) FWERW—Foundation for Women’s Education in the Rural World:
1993 Berkeley $500.00
1994 Berkeley $500.00
1995 Berkeley $1000.00
1997 Berkeley $1000.00
1997 Colorado $1,625.00
Total = $4,625

Comment: No details about where this project was located and towards what it was used.

(L) Soligha Sangha:
Funds Disbursed
1998 Berkeley $1,100.00

No details.

(M) Hosur:
Funds Disbursed
1999 Detroit $980.00

No details.

(N) Kathai Aruvi:
Funds Disbursed
2003 Princeton $4,667.00
2004 Princeton $4,667.00
Total = $9,334

Comment: No details here on what this project is about. However, in another project, mention is made of ‘Kathai Aruvi’ and we gather that it is a compilation of stories for children. $9,334 in just two years amounts to approximately 4.5 lakhs in Indian rupees. Now, this is a colossal amount for a small book that is a compilation of stories. There are no details about which individual or organisation received the money and no details about whether all the 4.5 lakh rupees were spent in just compiling this book.

(O) Rishi Valley Education Center:
Funds Disbursed
1995 Research Triangle Park $500.00

Comment: How was the 500 dollars used? No details at all.

(P) Rishi Ubr Vidya Mandir:
Funds Disbursed
2000 Detroit $450.00

Comment: A total of $ 60,122 has come into these projects which have the name of an Indian state or city but there are no project descriptions and no details about how the money was used and for what purpose. This is an astronomical amount in Indian rupees and, appropriately enough, seemingly is sunk in a black hole.

19. Little Stars School
Project Description:
This project aims to run a school for the poorer sections starting from nursery level to the sixth standard. Asha Pandey, who runs the school at her house at present, provides nutritional snacks, instruction on hygiene, and extra-curricular activities besides imparting the three ‘R’s.
Primary Focus: Children from slums.”
Funds Disbursed
1998 Berkeley $4,720.00
1998 Seattle $3,500.00
1999 Berkeley $6,440.00
1999 NYC/NJ $1,283.00
1999 Seattle $5,000.00
1999 Madison $2,000.00
2000 Madison $5,000.00
Total = $27,943

Comment: ASHA Pandey again!! Little Stars School is ‘Varanasi Project’ at number 21 by another name and now I know what happened to Asha Pandey’s boredom after 1996. This is the face with two names though we do not know if it is acceptable accounting practice to give two different names for the same project. Asha’s enthusiasm continued for another three years, it seems, and after 2000 she probably lapsed into boredom again. Twenty-eight thousand dollars for a project which this Pandey only ‘aims to run’? Does this mean that the school is not running yet or it is not fully running but trotting perhaps or only pretending to run? So where exactly did this huge amount go for a school that Asha was running from her own house? Snacks? Instruction on hygiene? Extra-curricular activities? Imparting the three ‘ “R’s” ‘? Or her personal expenses?? $27,943 is roughly rupees 13 lakhs in just 3 years and that is pretty expensive cottage industry, non-formal education in her own home for children from the slums!

20. Christ King Society, Chennai, Chennai District
Project Description:
For infrastructure, and to provide uniforms and books for students(1998). Funding was used to build a new school building since the old one was not in good condition (1999).
Project Type: One Time/Infrastructure
Funds Disbursed
1998 Seattle $5,000.00
1999 Seattle $5,000.00
Total =$10,000

Comment: No address, no telephone number of the school located in a metropolis. No details about the number of children in the school or how many classes. Also, no details about how the money was used. Obviously a Christian missionary society. Also, why did they need the same amount for two years and why has there been no further funding or project report or site visit.

Now for Sandeep Pandey’s Magsaysay citation. The citation says it all – he is being rewarded for campaigning against India’s nuclear programme, for desiring a woolly-headed, national suicidal peace with Pakistan, for his anti-Hindu posturing and for the false ‘Gandhian’ beard that he had stuck to his face to hide his Naxal connections. We wonder how the Rockefeller Brothers Foundation would react to information contained in this chapter and in this book about Sandeep Pandey, his fund-raising activities and how this ‘Gandhian’ used the funds raised in the US.

Excerpts from Sandeep Pandey’s Magsaysay citation

“It is a tradition exemplified by Gandhi himself. After years of sojourning abroad, an educated Indian returns home and, forgoing a comfortable career, applies himself to the great social questions. Sandeep Pandey was such a person yet he has chosen Gandhi’s path.
The enterprising founders [of ASHA] raised ten thousand dollars in one year, an auspicious beginning for an organisation that now claims thirty six North-American chapters and has disbursed nearly one million dollars for programs in India. After launching ASHA, Pandey himself returned to India, doctorate in hand. He taught briefly at the prestigious Indian Institute of Technology and, in 1992, left the institute to devote himself full-time to ASHA’s larger purpose: to bring about socioeconomic change in India through education.
In the Ballia district of Uttar Pradesh, Pandey confronted the impoverished world of low-caste families and dalits, or untouchables. In this world, few children went to school at all; even those who did, grew up to swell India’s vast unemployment rolls. With local volunteers in the villages of Reoti and Bhainsaha, Pandey has created schools that instill self-reliance and values for a just society. ASHA’s teachers take no pay. Instead, they support themselves with sidelines such as making candles and greeting cards from handmade paper.
He denounced a Government plan to favor Hinduism in state schools and called for an end to the politics of revenge that drives his country’s communal violence. Warning against militarist nationalism, in 1999 he organised and led a 400-kilometer Global Peace March to protest India’s nuclear arms program. These days he vocally supports reconciliation between Indians and Pakistanis. “The voice of peace has to be louder,” he says.
Thirty-seven-year-old Pandey shares his busy activist life with his wife Arundhati and their two children. He is soft-spoken but passionate, as he motivates ASHA’s volunteers and young people and shepherds a multitude of projects. How does a one-time aspiring engineer manage such a life? “I believe in the Gandhian thinking,” he says, “that once the path is chalked out, the means will follow.” In electing Sandeep Pandey to receive the 2002 Ramon Magsaysay award for Emergent Leadership, the board of trustees recognizes the empowering example of his commitment to the transformation of India’s marginalised poor.”

This book has demonstrated the following:
The network of anti-Nation, anti-Hindu NGOs and activists comprising Marxists, Nehruvian Secularists, Muslims and Missionaries is well-entrenched in the US, particularly American universities
There is a powerful network of donor agencies which include foreign governments, foundations, trusts and other church charities which work with Marxist, Nehruvian and Christian Indian NGOs in India with well-defined political objectives among the dalits, women and tribal communities within Hindu society.
The Indian government’s Home Ministry through which all foreign funds must be routed has no fool-proof mechanism to verify if the projects mentioned on paper exist in reality and if they do, whether the money received by NGOs for that specific project have utilised the last paisa on that project alone and not for ‘other’ dubious purposes.
The Indian government has not cared to haul ASHA or Sandeep Pandey over hot coals for such poor account maintenance.
We are sure that whatever we have demonstrated as being ASHA’s poor and possibly dubious accounting methods will probably be equally true of a very large number of other NGOs, both those that have been profiled in this book and those that have not. Our concern is that this grassroots activism, which in many instances is only a fig-leaf for political activism, is cited as the reason for the inflow of foreign money only because in India there is a constitutional ban on receiving foreign money for political activities. Some of us suspect that this grassroots activism in social causes is a fig-leaf to raise money for political and religious activities which are detrimental to Hindu interests.
Political parties too cannot receive foreign money and therefore when persons like Sandeep Pandey, Harsh Mander, and Aruna Roy, besides the hundreds of Christian and Marxist NGOs who describe themselves as grassroots workers and advocacy activists, associate themselves with political parties and political agendas, politically conscious Hindus like the authors of this book entertain the nasty suspicion that this money is probably being diverted for purposes other than those cited in government records. The Government of India must, therefore, ensure that a vigorous mechanism be set up which will closely monitor these NGOs and make sure that the money received by them is indeed spent for social causes. But to do that we will need a government that does not depend on these NGOs to campaign in its favour and against its political opponents.

(All project URLs cited in this chapter are functional as of 11.30 pm, 16th April, 2006.) Criticism doesn't perturb NGOs, activists

Delhi, Sept. 10: Activists who have been attacked in the book, NGOs, Activists and Foreign Funds: Anti Nation Industry were not perturbed with the criticism, most were flattered that their activities had unsettled people like Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi, who has often attacked them. Mr Modi has released the book edited by Chennai based Radha Rajan and Krishen Kak, a former bureaucrat on Saturday and criticised mainly activists who opposed him.

One of the activists who came under the scanner in the book, Magsaysay awardee Sandeep Pandey has been involved in grass root activities of education and development projects. Commenting about the criticism about NGO ASHA in which he is involved, Mr Pandey said, "First I am glad to be clubbed in the august company of Aruna Roy, Nirmala Deshpande and Harsh Mander. Now about my activities, In our organisation Asha, we always hold open forum meeting so anyone who is interested can walk in and attend. We do not have any membership either. Anyone can participate in the activities if they want to. The trust we have formed has grassroot activists who decide what programmes we will undertake."

"The accounts of Asha are open for scrutiny and our website has details about the funds we spent and get. As a principle we do not accept foreign funds and even institutional funds from India. So the criticism that we are being used by foreigners who fund us is baseless." Another person who is criticised in the book is JNU professor Kamal Mitra Chenoy for his support of what the author terms as anti-national activities. Commenting on this, Prof Chenoy said, "I am being attacked because I wrote two reports on communal violence in Gujarat and also deposed before the US Congress where I was called as a witness."

Reacting to the allegations of misuse of foreign funds, Mr Chenoy said, "Foreign funds to any organisation in India are checked by the government so the question was misusing of foreign funds does not arise." Anyway, this is ironical as NDA and the Mr Modi has been strong supporters of foreign investments in Indian Industries so isn't it double standards to say that foreign funds are okay for industry but not for social sector, he questioned.

The book spews venom on activists and coming in for special mention is Booker Prize awardee Arundhati Roy. As many as 14 pages have been devoted to her and all her activities, what she says and her stands on various issues. Another person who has received special mention is Magsaysay awardee Aruna Roy, who has been in the news recently for opposing the government's proposal to amend the Right to Information Act.

The book mentions that "Ms Roy had no qualms at all being part of the extra constitutional coterie called the National Advisory Council that oh-so-democratically rules our country." For the record, Ms Roy has since then resigned from the NAC.

The focus is also on well known "secular" NGOs whose work has been scrutinised by the author. But none of the NGOs of RSS or other Hinduvta organisations have been scrutinised in the book. Prof Chenoy pointed out that many reports have shown that RSS backed NGOs get substantial funds from US and UK and to differentiate between funding from NRI and also Indian origin foreign citizens belonging to majority community and those belonging to minority community clearly shows the bias of the author.

Social activists Shekhar Singh belonging to the National Campaign for People's Right to Information said, "Our organisation has just three people employed and we do not accept foreign funds or even institutional funds from India." About being involved in anti national activities I will only say such criticism is baseless and unless specific there is no point commenting on it, he said.


Radha Rajan,
Joint Secretary, Vigil Public opinion Forum, H 12/3, Pari Street, Kalakshetra Colony,
Besant Nagar, Chennai – 600 090

To the Editor,
The Deccan Chronicle

Sub: Sandeep Pandey's preposterous claim

This is with reference to the report in the Deccan Chronicle, Sept 10, 2006, on the release of the book "NGOs, Activists & Foreign Funds: Anti-Nation Industry" (Chennai: Vigil Public Opinion Forum, 2006). There are a number of mis-statements in the report, some of which have been pointed out by the book's co-editor Krishen Kak in an open letter to Mr Harsh Mander, a copy of which was sent to the Chronicle.

In this report Sandeep Pandey is quoted as saying ""First I am glad to be clubbed in the august company of Aruna Roy, Nirmala Deshpande and Harsh Mander. Now about my activities, In our organisation Asha, we always hold open forum meeting so anyone who is interested can walk in and attend. We do not have any membership either. Anyone can participate in the activities if they want to. The trust we have formed has grassroot activists who decide what programmes we will undertake. The accounts of Asha are open for scrutiny and our website has details about the funds we spent and get. As a principle we do not accept foreign funds and even institutional funds from India. So the criticism that we are being used by foreigners who fund us is baseless."

If Mr. Pandey has been correctly quoted, then both as the book's co-editor and as representing the publisher, I would like to say, first, that given the book's expose of Aruna Roy, Nirmala Deshpande and Harsh Mander, I appreciate his acknowledging he is like them. I wish to draw your attention to Mr. Sandeep Pandey's claim that "as a principle" he does not accept foreign funds. The last chapter but one in the Vigil book titled "ASHA projects: Where does all the money go" is only about receiving foreign funds – the money that Sandeep Pandey's ASHA raised from across the USA and even Europe.

Therefore Mr. Pandey's statement that "as a principle" he does not accept foreign funds, is a lie - Ch.8 of the book scrutinises a sample of 1,538 projects all downloaded from ASHA's website. The chapter gives example after example of foreign funding of ASHA projects - including dollar fellowships to three Pandeys – Sandeep, Mahesh and Vallabhacharya Pandey. As has been pointed out, Sandeep Pandey is himself a beneficiary ( p.266), and substantial dollar donations to Asha Pandey (pp.277, 281). Compare this with what the Magsaysay citation has to say about Sandeep Pandey and his ASHA –

“With local volunteers in the villages of Reoti and Bhainsaha, Pandey has created schools that instill self-reliance and values for a just society. ASHA's teachers take no pay. Instead, they support themselves with sidelines such as making candles and greeting cards from handmade paper.”

Vigil stands by what it has published. I am sending you the chapter titled "ASHA projects: Where does all the money go" so that you may judge for yourselves the truth or otherwise of Sandeep Pandey's preposterous claims.

Radha Rajan, Joint Secretary, Vigil Public Opinion Forum, Chennai

The Communist Conspiracy

The Communist Conspiracy

(This article was written in 1981. Now the Soviet Union has disappeared from the scene and the Communist movement in India does not know whom to serve. But its hostility towards Hindu society and culture remains undiminished. It is quite on the cards that this mercenary outfit will be bought over, in due course, by some other power or powers hostile to positive Indian nationalism. A Communist cannot help being a traitor to his country and his people.)

We have so far discussed the role of the residues of foreign rule in India vis-a-vis Hindu society. We have characterised Islamism as malevolent, Christianism as mischievous, and Macaulayism as mild, though like a slow poison. Now we shall take up Communism which, though not exactly a residue of foreign rule, is yet a foreign imposition of the most malignant character.

But before we proceed, we wish to make it clear that nothing in this article should be construed as a hostile criticism of Indo-Soviet relations. Our friendship with the Soviet Union has matured in the midst of a fast moving world. We value that friendship, though we would like to emphasize that the Soviet Union needs India’s friendship as much as India needs hers. We also warn that neither the Soviet Union nor the Communist movement in our country should be permitted to close our other options while we are faced and have to deal with American interventionism.

Though Communism in India cannot be characterised as a residue of the British rule, the British Government did make some substantial contributions to its growth. In the ‘thirties, that Government encouraged non-Communist revolutionaries in its jails to read Communist literature. This was done in order to wean them away from “terrorism.” Many of them came out as convinced Communists while still wearing the halo of national heroes. Again, during the Second World War, that Government partronised, financed and fraternised with the Communist Party of India and helped it attain the stature of an independent political party.

Ideologically, Communism in India is, in several respects, a sort of extension of Macaulayism, a residue of the British rule. That is why Communism is strongest today in those areas where Macaulayism had earlier spread its widest spell. That is why Macaulayism has always been on the defensive and apologetic vis-a-vis Communism. Macaulayism has always tried to understand and explain away the misdeeds of Communism in this country. It has sadly deplored, if not condoned, as misguided idealism even the most heinous crimes of the Communists. The long record of our parliamentary debates is a witness of how, after the death of Sardar Patel, die treasury benches have always evinced an awed deference towards utterly unparliamentary and downright demagogic vituperations from Communist members.

This ideological affinity between Communism and Macaulayism is ultimately derived from a common source in the modern West-materialistic metaphysics, evolutionistic sociology, utilitarian ethics, hedonistic psychology, etc. In this world-view, man is essentially a homo fabricus, a tool-maker or mechanic. A centralised economy and an urbanised society are a natural follow-up of this world-view. In this larger ideological context, Marxism is a logical culmination of Capitalism. Marx reserved his choicest praise for Capitalism and his choicest abuse for what he denounced as Utopian Socialism. The only crime of this other school of Socialism was that it objected to the relentless drive of Capitalism towards total mechanisation, industrialisation and centralisation, reducing the individual human being to a helpless entity.

The difference between Capitalism in the West and Communism in the East of Europe arose because Capitalist societies retained philosophical eclecticism and political pluralism as expressed in parliamentary democracy, a free press and free trade unions. Communist societies, on the other hand, froze Marxist philosophy into a closed system of orthodoxy. This led to heresy-hunting which in due course reduced Marxism to the status of a Semitic creed like Christianity and Islam. Bertrand Russell was not far wrong when he identified Communism as a Christian heresy. It has acquired all the characteristic features of the Christian Church such as the only Saviour, the only Revelation, the only Pope, the only priesthood, the only baptism, and the only sacraments. Communist regimes could not help becoming totalitarian enemies of human freedom.

Yet, and in spite of all ideological affinities, Communism is not a variety of Macaulayism, though the former fattens on the latter. The inspiration of Communism did not derive from the West. Its gospel as well guidance emanated from an opposite direction, the Soviet Union, except for a brief period when China also shared the honour of being a hallowed land.

This is not the occasion to dwell on the philosophy of Marxism or the strategy and tactics of Leninism or Stalinism or Maoism. Here we are dealing with the problem which Communism poses before Hindu society and culture. In any case, Communism in India, has never had much use for Marxism, Leninism, Stalinism and Maoism except as an ideological window-dressing to impress the intelligentsia at large and hoodwink the party cadres whenever the Party line has to be shifted swiftly.

What, then, is Communism?

Scholars and historians of Communism far more competent than the present writer have documented it beyond a shadow of doubt that Communism has been an instrument of Soviet foreign policy in its drive towards world domination, particularly since Stalin emerged as the undisputed leader of the Soviet Union as well as the world Communist movement. The unmasking of Stalin as a mass-murderer by Khruschev has blown up the myth of Soviet Russia as a proletarian paradise. The split with China has splintered the world Communist monolith. But, by and large, the movement has recovered from these shocks, retained its self-righteousness and resumed its role in the service of Soviet foreign policy.

It is, therefore, natural and inevitable that Communism should come into conflict with positive nationalism in every country. India cannot be an exception. By positive nationalism we mean a nationalism which draws its inspiration from its own cultural heritage and socio-political traditions. Such a nationalism has its own way of looking at world events and evaluating the alignment of world forces. Such a nationalism is guided by its own past experience in safeguarding its interests and pursuing its goals. These interests and goals may coincide or agree with the interests and goals of Soviet foreign policy at some particular stage of world politics. But it is equally likely that they may not.

This basic dissonance between Communism and positive nationalism in India was fully and finally dramatised during the Second World War. The Communist Party of India had, since its inception, opposed British imperialism in India and stood for its immediate and violent overthrow. The Party had also opposed the Muslim League which it had characterised as a collaborationist conspiracy of landed interests. In the eyes of Indian freedom fighters, therefore, the Party represented a revolutionary fringe of the nationalist movement. The Congress Socialist Party even allowed its platform to be used by the Communist Party of India which was working under a British ban. But the curtain was raised suddenly in 1941 when Hitler invaded the Soviet Union and the real face of Communism was revealed for all who could see.

The Congress leadership had tried to negotiate a settlement with the British for two long years. Finding the British attitude adamant, the Congress decided in August 1942 to launch the Quit India Movement. The Communists in the Congress opposed the Quit India resolution in the AICC Session at Bombay. They propounded that the imperialist war had been transformed into a people’s war simply because the Soviet Union had been invaded by an enemy of Britain.

The freedom movement forged ahead under its own inspiration. But the Communist Party of India moved full steam in the opposite direction. British imperialism now became British bureaucracy for the Communists, the Muslim League a spokesman of the Muslim mass upsurge, and the demand for Pakistan a legitimate expression of Muslim nationalism which the Congress should concede immediately. The rest of the story is well-known-the story of how the freedom movement was branded as a movement for collaboration with Fascism, how Subhash Chandra Bose was denounced as a Nazi dog and a Japanese rat, how Communist cadres spied for the British secret police on Socialists and Forward Blocists who had organised an underground movement, and how the Communist intellectuals like Adhikari and Ashraf blueprinted the case for Pakistan with facts, figures, academic arguments and sentimental slogans.

The Communist contribution towards the creation of Pakistan was next only to that of the Muslim League. The Soviet Union was in search of a base from which it could operate for capturing the rest of India after the departure of the British. That plan did not succeed and Pakistan became a base for American interventionism instead. Ever since, the Communists in India have been blaming the Partition on those very forces of positive nationalism which had fought the Muslim League tooth and nail. Communist slogans may change but their hostility to positive nationalism is permanent.

The source of positive nationalism in India is Sanãtana Dharma and the long saga of Hindu history. Hindu society provides the only base for positive nationalism. The Muslim and the Christian communities can share in positive nationalism only by revising the premises of their exclusive creeds in favour of the universal principles laid down by Sanãtana Dharma. Communism in India is bent upon destroying Sanãtana Dharma and Hindu society. It is, therefore, in its interest to prevent the Muslims and the Christians from moving towards the mainstream of positive nationalism. This is a point with which we shall deal when we expose the united front between various forces hostile to the Hindus. Here we shall simply specify some prime targets of Communism in its battle against Hindu society and culture. They are as follows:

1. The first and foremost target of Communism is Sanãtana Dharma enshrined in Hindu literature and made living by a long line of saints, mystics and bhaktas. Communism ridicules all this wealth of unrivalled spiritual splendour as a conglomeration of sterile superstition, obnoxious obscurantism and puerile priescraft;

2. Next, Communism makes an aggressive move towards Hindu Dharmashãstras which have their source in Sanãtana Dharma and which lay down the moral and social principles by which a wholesome social and individual life is sustained. Communism denounces these Dharmashãstras as respositories of primitive prescriptions, Machiavellian morality, caste oppression, untouchability, degradation of women, Brahmin domination, lack of social responsibility, and what not;

3. Thirdly, Communism concentrates on Hindu philosophies which expound, compare, contrast, fortify and defend the manifold metaphysical points of view flowing into several streams from the self-same Sanãtana Dharma. It condemns all these philosophies as Brahminical conspiracies to suppress the Lokãyata, “the only scientific philosophy pulsating with a revolutionary principle”. Rahul Sankrityayana was a great pedlar of this Communist lore among the Hindi reading public. Some of his works have been translated into other languages also. He was very enterprising indeed. He postulated that the Buddha was preaching Marxism for all practical purposes except for his unmindful lapse into the unproved doctrine of transmigration;

4. Fourthly-and here Communism has really invested some herculean endeavours-it ransacks the annals of Hindu history and Hindu heroism. A whole battalion of Communist historians have been busy for years battering the walls of Hindu historiography “behind which Hindu communalism and chauvinism is hiding its ugly face”. They have ridiculed every hero, every period, every episode, and every precedent in which Hindus can take pride. The Golden Age of the Imperial Guptas in which Hindu achievements attained their acme in the fields of art, literature and science is dismissed as a myth by D.N. Jha whose Ancient India: An Introductory Outline has just been reprinted by the People’s Publishing House, New Delhi. Other Communist historians have portrayed Maharana Pratap, Shivaji and Guru Govind Singh as local rebels against pax moslemanica for petty personal ends. The same historians whitewash bloodthirsty Islamic conquerors and despicable despots, and condone their crimes either by balancing them with “great good deeds which they did in some other direction” or by explaining them away as conforming to the prevailing pattern of empire-building;

5. Lastly, the Communist anthropologists and sociologists dive deep into Hindu social institutions, customs, mores and manners and come up with some class interest hiding inside the core in each case. We are told that Hindu society has always been an unhealthy society except perhaps during the Vedic period when, according to Romila Thapar, our Aryan ancestors ate beef. Beef-eating by the ancient Aryans has been such an obsession with Miss Thapar that she returns to the theme again and again, even when discussing the dancing girl found in the ruins of Mohenjo-daro.

How hostile Communism can be to everything Hindu is proved by an incident in which S.A. Dange and his son-in-law, Deshpande, got involved a few years ago. Deshpande wrote quite a scholarly book in which he propounded that several important principles of modern mathematics and science (including dialectical materialism which is the greatest principle of modern science according to Communism) were first discovered by systems of Hindu philosophy, notably SãMkhya and Vedãnta. Several other Communist savants had earlier indulged in a similar exercise of casting ancient Hindu philosophies into a materialist mould. The party had paraded them as expert explorers and authentic interpreters of the revolutionary undercurrents in India’s philosophical heritage. Where Deshpande went wrong was that he took a genuine pride in the ancient Hindu past and expressed it in no mean measure. Dange himself contributed a Preface to the book and presented it as quite an academic achievement. Little did they know the consequences of what they had done. The Party came down upon them like a ton of bricks. It called a seminar, “Marxism on Vedanta”, in which Dange had to confess his errors and cat crow. Deshpande’s book published by a society in Bombay was withdrawn from circulation.

The methods which Communism employs in India to denigrate and denounce the votaries of positive nationalism are the standard Communist methods it uses everywhere around the world. Here we shall concretise three of its chief methods under Indian conditions:

1. Communism in India has developed a language which George Orwell has described as doublespeak. In this language, the traitorous and totalitarian forces represented by the Communist movement are presented as patriotic and democratic forces, collaborators with Communism as progressive people, Islamic imperialism as secularism, and positive nationalism as Hindu communalism and chauvinism. Many people do not know how to decipher this doublespeak and are, therefore, trapped by it;1

2. Communism in India constantly practises what Karl Popper so aptly expounded “as the conspiracy theory of society”. It goes on digging up one conspiracy after another against the working class, the peasantry, the middle class, the toiling masses, Secularism, and so on. In this scheme, it links up “Hindu communalism and chauvinism” with capitalism, landlordism, forces of obscurantism, revivalism and reaction and, finally, all of them with “American imperialism”. The forces of “democracy and progress” are then called upon to rally round the Communist movement to defeat the “grand conspiracy between American imperialism outside and reactionary Hindu communalism within”. This helps the Communist cadres to acquire a rare depth of perception without exercising their brains. The less they know and think, the better they feel and function. Recently, Communism has discovered a conspiracy of “Hindu communalism” to kill Muslims and destroy Muslim property whenever and wherever Muslims show some signs of prosperity;

3. Communism in India wields a strong-worded swearology which it hurls at its adversaries. Some samples of this swearology will illumine the venom which it can carry. During the Ranadive party-line in 1948-50, Mahatma Gandhi was “unmasked” as the cleverest bourgeois scoundrel and Rabindranath as mãgeer dãlãl, that is, a pimp. But the choicest reprimand was reserved for Sardar Patel and Pandit Nehru “the fascist duo”. Parichaya, the prestigious Bengali monthly, came out with a long poem on the two of them “conspiring together in the service of American imperialism”. One of the lines exposed them as shyãlã shooarer bãcchã, birlã tatãr jãroja shontãna, that is, sons of swine and the bastard progeny of Birlas and Tatas. But, then, you cannot pin the Communists to any of their past performances. They always “admit their mistakes” publicly and do a bit of chest-beating whenever they receive orders to change the Party line. At present, the bulk of Communist swearology is being mobilised against the camp of positive nationalism. People belonging to this camp are being daily denounced as communalists, chauvinists, fascist murderers of minorities, perpetrators of genocide, reactionaries and revivalists. The tone is still mild, keeping in mind how mendacious it could easily become at a moment’s notice. But there are intimations that it may resume its full powers of rhetoric as and when required.2

Hindu society is basically a sane society which can smile with tolerance at every variety of venomous as well as tall talk. Hindus could have dismissed the Communists as a band of lunatics and morons, had not Communism acquired the power and prestige it enjoys in India today. Communism has, of course, fattened itself on widespread Macaulayism and a negative nationalism driven by nothing better than an anti-Western animus and inflated ideas about India’s role in world affairs. But the main strength of Communism in India springs from colossal Soviet finances which pour into its coffers through many channels and in increasing amounts. This is not the place to identify the channels through which the Soviet Union finances its fifth-column in India. Here we are concerned with what the Communist movement does with this money. The following deserve our particular attention:

1. The Communist movement in India has built up the largest press in English as well as Indian languages. It runs many dailies, weeklies, fortnightlies, monthlies, quarterlies and irregular periodicals. Most of these papers and journals do not care for commercial and other advertisements which are the main source of income in normal press establishments. The losses that are incurred by these party organs run into crores of rupees every year,

2. The movement controls the largest number of publishing houses. They publish Communist literature in English as well as Indian languages. Most of this literature is in the form of pamphlets, presenting the Party line on all issues of importance, national and international. Recently, Communist publishing houses have undertaken publication of heavier intellectual fare as well, provided it carries a Communist slant or is authored by a Communist or a fellow-traveller. A new line is publication of text-books, particularly on Indian history. These are prescribed by Communist professors whenever and wherever they control university departments, which is not unoften. Departments of history in the Delhi and Jawaharlal Nehru universities, for instance, have become pocket boroughs of Communism for all practical purposes. All this literature, light as well as heavy, is sold at prices which cannot meet even a fraction of the cost. The large discounts allowed to retailers increase this disparity a good deal. The publishing houses which are housed in spacious places, owned or rented by the movement, maintain large salaried staff of all levels. The losses incurred in this enterprise are also colossal;

3. The movement is a cadre-based movement. It has a farflung hierarchy of leaders and workers. All of them are paid activists. Some of them are whole-timers, others part-timers. The leaders are paid and maintained much better than the workers. But salaries and allowances of workers are not inadequate either, if we take into account the communes which the movement maintains for its activists. These expenses on salaries, rents, food, clothing, transport and sundries account for another colossal sum spent from month to month and year after year;

4. The movement maintains and mans many front organisations among trade unions, peasantry, students, youth, women, children, writers, artists, for “peace”, for fighting “imperialism”, for opposing “communalism”. Most of these front organisations have their own offices and their own staff. They also publish their own pamphlets and periodicals. The costs involved on maintaining and turning these transmission belts, as Lenin called them, are considerable;

5. The Communist movement in India is well-known for the frequency of conferences, congresses, mass meetings and demonstrations. A large number of people, many times from long distances, are paid to travel to these gatherings, pass the Party resolutions and shout the Party slogans. Many participants in Communist demonstrations, particularly in big cities like Calcutta, are hired on the basis of payment per head per day. The lodging, board and transport costs for mobilising these crowds are paid by the movement. Posters, placards and buntings abound on these occasions. Again, the costs are colossal.

We are not counting the routine expenses which every political movement or party has to incur in its normal functioning. The parties which do not control a government know it very well how difficult it is to find finances even for these normal expenses. The expenses incurred by the Communist movement are abnormal when compared to its size and significance in India’s body-politic. In comparison, the ruling Congress Party is a poor party. And it has to find itself in an embarassing position when some of its methods for collecting money are exposed.

The one thing which, next to slogans, never gets scarce in the Communist movement is money. That is how it is always in a position to prove that it is a movement of the poor, maintained by the poor, and for the benefit of the poor. Shankar had once drawn a cartoon in which a well-dressed upper class Communist worker was demanding a donation for peace from a naked and blind beggar, and denouncing the latter as a warmongering agent of American imperialism who would not part with his paisa.


1 See Sita Ram Goel, Perversion of India’s Political Parlance, Voice of India, New Delhi, 1984.
2 The Communists who control The Times of India at present have already come out with this rhetoric.

Red flags and revolutionary slogans are camouflage to lure youngsters

NAXAL supporters quote Arundathy Roy discrediting National Flag and security forces , her quote found at NAXALITE BLOG states "Flags are bits of colored cloth that governments use first to shrink-wrap people's brains and then as ceremonial shrouds to bury the dead." -- Arundhati Roy

Pro Naxalite ,Anti-India rhetoric of Arundathi roy is not new to the people in India , this Five star activist can stoop to any extent to be in media limelight . Even to the extent of supporting terrorists who attacked Parliament , the temple fo freedom and democracy . These same people talk about "freedom", 'human rights " , do you find any hipocrites of this type anywhere in the world ?


"Red Flags and revolutionary slogans are camouflage that leftists and foreign agents in India use ,first to lure youngsters and drape their mind with phony illusionary failed red revolutionary ideas and then ask them to commit crimes against state, all in the name of illusionary ideology , which enemies of India love to watch and weaken us . These youngsters should beware that they are serving foreign agenda of destabilizing India . In the end these youngsters don’t know how much pain they are giving to their mothers by taking that phony revolutionary path and dying for fake revolution . During all this period , only one tribe will be laughing all the time -- ANTI-INDIA AGENTS ." .

NOTE : People who preach and talk revolution always live a 5 star live , some even lead a 7 star life style , it is the ordinary poor innocent youngsters who fall prey to these demons masquerading as Intellectuals . Having said that , it doesn't mean there are no social problems in India , the point we are making is how these foreign agents exploit the issues and create rifts to make their foreign masters happy. Our appeal to youngsters is NOT to fall in the trap of phony slogans .

CPI (Maoist) does self-assessment

Satyendra Kumar
[ 21 Oct, 2006 0248hrs ISTTIMES NEWS NETWORK ]

JEHANABAD: In a show of characteristic resilience, CPI (Maoist) activists are believed to be engaged in a serious exercise, studying whether their strategies and forms of struggle are in consonance with the present conditions in the country.

In a document titled "New Challenges: Our Perspectives", meant for internal circulation, the CPI (Maoist) has emphasised the need for a relook at the Indian scenario, and, then redefine its strategies and field tactics.

A frank reappraisal has led the Indian Maoists to admit that the revolutionary movement in the country has been "uneven".

The document indicates that though the Maoist activities had spread to Uttaranchal, Karnataka and Kerala, it has declined in Punjab and is stagnant in Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra.

The reappraisal attributes the failure to the mismatch between their forms of struggle and the prevailing social conditions.

Another issue engaging the Maoists'attention is the alienation of students and workers from the revolutionary fold. The 1980s witnessed the peak of the Naxalite movement when different segments of society, students, workers, peasants women, and, to some extent, the middle class, had become effective tools of revolution.

Students and workers provided the much-needed fillip to the movement. People from these segments became the ideologues who could fire the imagination of other.

But, by the 1990s, inflow into the Naxalite movement from these two vital segments almost dried up for a variety of reasons.

It is against this backdrop that the CPI(Moist) has undertaken an exercise to redefine its response to the emerging situation, the document said.

Youth goes missing, CRPF in the dock

Statesman News Service

BERHAMPUR, Oct. 20: A youth named Daringill Majhi is missing in Rayagada district and his family members and those having soft corner towards Naxalites allege that he was taken into custody by CRPF personnel without registering his arrest.
When contacted, the officers at the Rayagada district police headquarters, however, denied that none called Daringill had been arrested by them. But a person named Jacob Majhi has written letters to the chief minister, the state human rights commission and the chief justice of Orissa High Court alleging that his cousin, Daringill Majhi, son of G Majhi of Tikagudi village under Chandrapur police station jurisdiction in Rayagada district, was taken away by the CRPF personnel on 17 October.

He said after that, Daringill had not been spotted by anyone.
Mr Jacob expressed fear that his cousin may be subjected to torture in the hands of police personnel and warned that authorities would face dire consequences if they did not produce him in the court or register his arrest.
Mr Dandapani Mohanty, the convener of the Daman Paratirodh Manch, a putative pro-Maoist organisation, now banned by the state government, alleged that police atrocities continued in Rayagada district in the name of anti-Naxalite operations and the present case proved that.