Friday, December 01, 2006
Property damaged during the current year
The details of funds provided in the last three years under the Backward Districts Initiative (BDI) component of the Rashtriya Sam Vikas Yojana (RSVY) to fill in the critical gaps in social and physical infrastructure in the naxal affected areas, are as under:
2003-04- Rs. 167.50 cr.
2004-05- Rs. 395.00 cr.
2005-06- Rs.. 427.50 cr.
In addition, Rs. 250 crore per annum has been released for the Special Plan for the KBK districts covering eight districts of Orissa including four naxal affected districts, namely,Malkangiri, Koraput, Rayagada and Navrangpur.
Reimbursement and the advance releases made to the naxal affected States under the SRE Scheme during 2004-05 to 2006-07 (till date) are as under:-
Source: Parliament Q&A
The SOP provides for consultations between concerned State/District authorities and the Force commanders of CPMFs. It also provides for monthly joint audit of deployment and performance of CPMFs, to be conducted by the IG of CPMFs and IG/DIG in-charge of operations of the State; weekly intelligence meetings are also to be held at the level of District SPs and commanders of the CPMFs.
Source : GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
MINISTRY OF HOME AFFAIRS
QUESTION NO 808
ANSWERED ON 29.11.2006
Reply to SHRI KALRAJ MISHRA
To a question whether any specific assistance is being given to Gujarat having border with Pakistan, to check illegal migrants and protect the borders , SRIPRAKASH JAISWAL (MINISTER OF STATE IN THE MINISTRY OF HOME AFFAIRS ) said Central Government is carrying out fencing and flood lighting of the Indo-Pakistan border. Out of 310 Kms of international border in Gujarat, to be fenced and floodlit, 207 Kms have been fenced and 178 Kms flood lit. Further, under the MPF Scheme, Central assistance is being provided to Gujarat from 2005-06 for strengthening infrastructure of police stations in desert areas.
An amount of Rs.3.01 crore was released during 2005-06 under the Coastal Security Scheme. No funds were released during 2003-04 and 2004-05 as this Scheme was commenced only from 2005-06.
No special package is under consideration of the Government. However, Central Government is implementing a Scheme for Border Area Development Programme, in identified border blocks for meeting the special developmental needs of the border population and promoting a sense of security among them. Under the Scheme, 10% of the allocation can be used by security forces for security related developmental activities.
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
MINISTRY OF HOME AFFAIRS
QUESTION NO 803
ANSWERED ON 29.11.2006
MODERNIZATION OF GUJARAT POLICE .
803 SHRI VIJAYKUMAR RUPANI
MINISTER OF STATE IN THE MINISTRY OF HOME AFFAIRS
(SHRI SRIPRAKASH JAISWAL)
Intelligence gathering strengthened; more battalions of Central forces
States asked to increase strength of police forces
Plans being evolved for toning up "mega city policing" --------------------------------------------------------------------------------
NEW DELHI: The Government has put in place a multi-pronged policy to deal with terrorism and maintain internal security, Home Minister Shivraj Patil told the Rajya Sabha on Thursday.
One of the key components of the policy, Mr. Patil said, was to enhance the strength of the paramilitary forces. Many battalions of the forces were being raised, and the Government had asked the States to increase the strength of their police forces and also train the personnel. "The Government is supporting it by giving huge amounts of money," he said while replying to a short duration discussion on the "Internal Security Scenario."
Intelligence agencies at the national level and the special branches of police at the State level were also being strengthened. "Intelligence agencies provide useful actionable information, and with their alertness it becomes possible to avoid many terrorist-related activities. At the national level, intelligence agencies give direction to their counterparts in the States."
The Government had also sought the cooperation of the people, and legal measures were being taken to fine tune the role of private security agencies, which would ease the burden on the police forces.
The fourth element of the policy was to speed up economic development of the States so that financial disparities among the various sections of society were reduced.
The Government was going by the Supreme Court ruling on how the police should deal with terrorists in disturbed areas. Mr. Patil assured the House that laws would be made more humane, and the Government would ensure that no innocent citizen suffered at the hands of the police and security forces.
However, he did not give any categorical reply to a demand raised during the discussion by Communist Party of India (Marxist) member Brinda Karat if the Armed Forces Special Powers Act would be repealed.
"Since other ministries like defence and law are also involved, I am not in a position to say anything more than this."
The Government was also evolving plans for toning up "mega city policing" as problems in bigger cities were of an entirely different nature than in other parts of the country.
Along the coastline too, efforts were on to tighten security as terrorists were using the sea routes to infiltrate into the country. A Rs. 400 crore project was being implemented to strengthen security in Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Goa, Maharashtra, Orissa and other coastal States.
"The situation in Jammu and Kashmir and in the Northeast has improved, while the naxalite problem is under control, and there has not been any major communal strife."
Mr. Patil said the Government was keen on removing economic disparities and improving infrastructure. While Rs. 24,000 crore had been made available to Jammu and Kashmir, Rs. 20,000 crore had been provided as a non-lapsable fund to the northeastern States.
Thursday, November 30, 2006
BHADRACHALAM: Surrendered Maoist couple, Suryam and Santhakka, were produced before the judicial first class magistrate today on the expiry of their remand period in Warangal central jail. The judge extended their remand period. They were sent back to the Warangal central jail.
Both Suryam and Santhakka, against whom 48 cases were pending, applied for bail on Wednesday. Suryam is well-known all over the agency as Maoist squad commander in Charla area.
They were arrested recently in Bhadrachalam agency area.
Wednesday, November 29, 2006
A senior Indian intelligence official has expressed concern over what he described as the "dramatic increase" in Chinese attempts to woo Indian politicians and business leaders with gifts, some of them "phenomenally lavish."
Reacting to a story in Businessworld magazine, which refers to Chinese attempts to buy influence in India, the Indian official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said while this is nothing new, what is of concern is the sudden and dramatic increase in the number of "influential Indians" being tapped by the Chinese.
The recipients of these gifts "spanned the political spectrum", the official said, expressing his "serious worry over this alarming trend, which has increased in leaps and bounds over the past three or four years."
Indian intelligence agencies, however, could do nothing much beyond "keeping an eye on the recipients" and bringing this to the attention of the Prime Minister's Office and the National Security Council, since there were "major political implications," the official said.
The remarks are significant as they come soon after Chinese President Hu Jintao visited India last week.
Admitting that this had been going on for "quite some time", the official said of late, there has been a dramatic surge in such incidents. Politicians in India's northeastern states and West Bengal are among the recipients of Chinese largesse, he said.
While most of the gifts involve large sums of money and other incentives, leaders are also invited to China, ostensibly on lecture and "get acquainted" tours, and "treated like royalty there," the official said.
The money involved is so large, the intelligence official charged, that it would "certainly influence the political scenario not just at the provincial level in some states close to the Chinese border, but even during the next Indian general election."
Most of these attempts are made by "so-called" private concerns in China, though all of them are actually Chinese government funded, and the main objective so far seemed to be to acquire "lucrative telecom and infrastructure contracts, among other things" in India, he said.
Indian leaders known to be sympathetic to the Tibetan cause are also being targeted, he claimed.
"The point is, you cannot blame the Chinese," he said. "They are doing whatever it takes to buy influence in India, mostly for economic, but also for political and strategic reasons," he said.
According to the official, who has been studying China for over two decades now, this influence had already led to strange spinoffs, including the government's reticence "to support serious studies" on the border dispute with China.
"While there are several Chinese think tanks which are studying the issue for a long time, in India, there is not one Indian scholar that I know of who is engaged in similar studies," he said, "simply because the government discourages such efforts and is reluctant to fund them."
Another Indian specialist on China, however, played down the extent of Chinese influence, saying while it is true that the Chinese have no qualms about buying influence, "if the Chinese have actually penetrated our political establishment in such a massive way, Hu Jintao would have addressed a Joint Session of Parliament during his visit. He did not."
A Chinese business leader, who accompanied Hu during his visit to India, put it differently.
"India and China are friends. We are also business partners. Sometimes it is necessary to express our admiration and respect for our friends through gifts. They are not aimed at 'peddling influence,' as you describe it. Besides, even your businessmen bring gifts for Chinese officials. Should we start looking at them as bribes, or attempts to influence Chinese interests?" asked the man, who identified himself only as Zhao.
"The greatest enemies of India are not White missionaries or Chinese Communists but Indians who continue to spout Marxist jargon when it has lost credibility all over the world. Then there are second generation converts who espouse a fundamental Christianity which is no more prevalent even in the West. Also there are academics in the US who rant in mainstream American papers against Hindu fundamentalism" - Francois Gautier (French Author)
Henry Kissinger's Hell
Lyndon LaRouche summarized the immediate global strategic situation thus, in a memo issued Nov. 25:
"The best chance for extricating the U.S. military forces from an unimaginable debacle in Southwest Asia, is to scrap every shred of the relevant policies of the current Bush Administration so far, and bring together a concert of key governments of Southwest Asia for a coherent stabilization of the relations among and within the nations of that region. This must include opening immediate normal diplomatic relations with the group of keystone nations Iran , Syria , and Turkey , and, must include informing Israel 's current government that there must be an immediate end to Israel 's evasion of a constructive détente with the Palestinian people.
"It is the U.S. obligation, therefore, to acknowledge the prudence of saner voices among Israeli leaders, who do not propose to jump from the cliff into doom once again. The U.S. must immediately state and assist a U.S. lobby-proof, full commitment to a successful early conclusion of a Madrid II process. Otherwise, there is no safe route for extrication of U.S. forces from an increasingly desperate situation within Iraq itself.
"Otherwise, there is no hope of a foreseeable future for any part of that region of the world as a whole.
"At the moment, the greatest single threat to the U.S. military forces trapped in President Bush's wildly irrational evasion of elementary truths of the region, comes not so much from the addled head of the President himself, as from the same perennial menace to civilization, de facto British agent Sir Henry A. Kissinger, whose direction, assisted by the British intelligence service's (Arab Bureau's) Dr. Bernard Lewis, launched the beginning of the generalized warfare throughout the Southwest Asia region, with the launching of religious warfare within Lebanon, back in April 1975.
"What Kissinger is doing, in concert with Sister Lynne Cheney's mad-dog husband, is to attempt to enflame a Sunni-versus- Shi'a conflict within the region, thus seeking to foment a more or less immediate locking of the U.S. forces deployed in the region into a situation as hopeless for them as for the people of the Southwest Asia region in general.
"Although Kissinger was never exactly a 'Dorian Gray,' the evils of an ill-spent life in public service afford viewers today a clear view of the man's lack of humane character drooping from his dew-laps today. Perhaps Sister Lynne Cheney has an extra leash or two, for both Dick and Henry, next to the tethered dogs on the hillside of the Naval Observatory. Perhaps the fashion-conscious Secretary of State might bring out her famous high boots, and, grasping a blacksnake whip to match, march up to the Observatory to administer a relevant lesson in diplomacy to the snarling pair of Dirty Dick and rumpled Henry."
Indeed, there is little of the evil in U.S. foreign policy which cannot be traced back to the influence of Kissinger, as a leading representative of the Anglo-Dutch imperial outlook, on the American body-politic. In addition to his Middle East policy, which was dedicated to maintaining a permanent state of warfare between various groups in the region, Kissinger in 1974 put in place the infamous National Security Study Memorandum 200, which declared that it was in the U.S. "strategic interest" to contain the population growth of states which controlled raw materials to which the West wanted unrestricted access—a policy that has amounted to outright genocide against minerals-rich African nations, among others. This policy is still in effect today!
Perhaps most notable in summarizing the intent of Kissinger's policy was his May 10, 1982 speech at Chatham House, London, where he took direct aim at the American "idealism" of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and declared himself in favor of the Churchillian approach—that of a Hobbesian (each against all) imperial balance of power.
Can anyone deny that American foreign policy under Kissinger's Hobbesian hand has been nothing short of disastrous? We now stand at the brink of irreversible disaster. Both Henry, and his cohort Cheney, have got to be removed from positions of influence—now!
Kissinger's 1974 Plan for Food Control Genocide
by Joseph Brewda
Dec. 8, 1995
On Dec. 10, 1974, the U.S. National Security Council under Henry Kissinger completed a classified 200-page study, "National Security Study Memorandum 200: Implications of Worldwide Population Growth for U.S. Security and Overseas Interests." The study falsely claimed that population growth in the so-called Lesser Developed Countries (LDCs) was a grave threat to U.S. national security. Adopted as official policy in November 1975 by President Gerald Ford, NSSM 200 outlined a covert plan to reduce population growth in those countries through birth control, and also, implicitly, war and famine. Brent Scowcroft, who had by then replaced Kissinger as national security adviser (the same post Scowcroft was to hold in the Bush administration), was put in charge of implementing the plan. CIA Director George Bush was ordered to assist Scowcroft, as were the secretaries of state, treasury, defense, and agriculture.
The bogus arguments that Kissinger advanced were not original. One of his major sources was the Royal Commission on Population, which King George VI had created in 1944 "to consider what measures should be taken in the national interest to influence the future trend of population." The commission found that Britain was gravely threatened by population growth in its colonies, since "a populous country has decided advantages over a sparsely-populated one for industrial production." The combined effects of increasing population and industrialization in its colonies, it warned, "might be decisive in its effects on the prestige and influence of the West," especially effecting "military strength and security."
NSSM 200 similarly concluded that the United States was threatened by population growth in the former colonial sector. It paid special attention to 13 "key countries" in which the United States had a "special political and strategic interest": India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Indonesia, Thailand, the Philippines, Turkey, Nigeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, Mexico, Brazil, and Colombia. It claimed that population growth in those states was especially worrisome, since it would quickly increase their relative political, economic, and military strength.
For example, Nigeria: "Already the most populous country on the continent, with an estimated 55 million people in 1970, Nigeria's population by the end of this century is projected to number 135 million. This suggests a growing political and strategic role for Nigeria, at least in Africa." Or Brazil: "Brazil clearly dominated the continent demographically." The study warned of a "growing power status for Brazil in Latin America and on the world scene over the next 25 years."
Food as a weapon
There were several measures that Kissinger advocated to deal with this alleged threat, most prominently, birth control and related population-reduction programs. He also warned that "population growth rates are likely to increase appreciably before they begin to decline," even if such measures were adopted.
A second measure was curtailing food supplies to targetted states, in part to force compliance with birth control policies: "There is also some established precedent for taking account of family planning performance in appraisal of assistance requirements by AID [U.S. Agency for International Development] and consultative groups. Since population growth is a major determinant of increases in food demand, allocation of scarce PL 480 resources should take account of what steps a country is taking in population control as well as food production. In these sensitive relations, however, it is important in style as well as substance to avoid the appearance of coercion."
"Mandatory programs may be needed and we should be considering these possibilities now," the document continued, adding, "Would food be considered an instrument of national power? ... Is the U.S. prepared to accept food rationing to help people who can't/won't control their population growth?"
Kissinger also predicted a return of famines that could make exclusive reliance on birth control programs unnecessary. "Rapid population growth and lagging food production in developing countries, together with the sharp deterioration in the global food situation in 1972 and 1973, have raised serious concerns about the ability of the world to feed itself adequately over the next quarter of century and beyond," he reported.
The cause of that coming food deficit was not natural, however, but was a result of western financial policy: "Capital investments for irrigation and infrastucture and the organization requirements for continuous improvements in agricultural yields may be beyond the financial and administrative capacity of many LDCs. For some of the areas under heaviest population pressure, there is little or no prospect for foreign exchange earnings to cover constantly increasingly imports of food."
"It is questionable," Kissinger gloated, "whether aid donor countries will be prepared to provide the sort of massive food aid called for by the import projections on a long-term continuing basis." Consequently, "large-scale famine of a kind not experienced for several decades—a kind the world thought had been permanently banished," was foreseeable—famine, which has indeed come to pass.
Raipur, Nov 29 (IANS) Police destroyed a Maoist hideout in Chhattisgarh's mineral-rich Dantewada district and detained a rebel commander, an official said Wednesday.
The camp on Bailadila hills, 400km south of here, was destroyed Tuesday night.
'The Chhattisgarh police force led by O.P. Pal, Dantewada superintendent of police, raided and destroyed the terror camp at Bailadila hills Tuesday night,' Inspector General Girdhari Nayak told IANS.
Nayak said the rebels managed to escape but Maoist area commander Sonu Telam was apprehended within a few hours. Police seized a grenade, two bombs, arms, medicines, cash, photographs of senior Maoist leaders and Maoist literature from the camp, he added.
The state-owned National Mineral Development Corporation (NMDC) has iron ore facilities for import and domestic supplies located in the region.
In February, rebels raided an NMDC explosive store in Bailadila hills and killed eight paramilitary troopers of the Central Industrial Security Forces (CISF). They escaped with at least 20,000 kg of high-powered explosives, which has not yet been recovered.
At least 400 people, including 321 civilians, have been killed in Maoist violence in the state since January. Maoist rebels claim to be fighting for the rights of poor peasants and landless labourers.
Copyright Indo-Asian News Service
TUMKUR: Director General of Police B S Sial here on Tuesday said that the police force in the State would be strengthened to counter the terrorist and Naxal activities.
Speaking to newsmen after taking part in the annual sports meet of Bishop Sargant school and PU college, he informed that the commando training will be given to all the police officers above the sub-inspector cadre of below 35 years of age.
The sophisticated weapons will gradually replace the traditional ones and already the police were equipped with the AK 47 and the SLR-7.62 rifles, he said.
Two more KSRP batalion head quarters will be created at Hassan and Koppal districts to cover the entire State and combat the Naxal activities more efficiently. Both the Chief Minister and his deputy have agreed for it and the land is being sanctined at Hassan, he added.
29 Nov 2006 02:31:27 GMT
By Simon Denyer
GARHWA, India, Nov 29 (Reuters) - Maoist rebels may be laying down their weapons in Nepal, but over their border in India their ideological brethren are still talking the language of armed revolution and the destruction of capitalism.
Maoists from both countries formed an alliance in 2001 against "feudal exploitation" and "American imperialism", but these days the relationship is showing serious signs of strain.
Nepal's rebel chief Prachanda signed a peace deal with the government last week that paves the way for his forces to disarm and join an interim government.
Elections will be held for an assembly meant to draft a new constitution and, the rebels hope, abolish the monarchy.
Nepal's people are rejoicing, but in the forests and villages of eastern India, Maoist rebels, known as Naxalites, sound distinctly disappointed.
"Prachanda made a big mistake by deciding to share power," said a underground Maoist leader, who spoke to Reuters in a remote village in the Garhwa district of the eastern Indian state of Jharkhand.
"The Maoists of Nepal should have killed King Gyanendra and taken power."
"They were going well, but at the last minute they compromised with the imperialist powers," he added, accusing Prachanda of "selling out".
Officially the two movements say they share only "ideological links", but another underground Naxal leader admitted that Nepali Maoists "may have" come to India to help train rebels.
India's Naxalites were hoping that "victory" in Nepal, and a Maoist revolutionary government, would have given a huge boost to their own four-decade-long struggle.
"They have bowed down before the government," said Jiten Marandi of the Maoist-backed Revolutionary Democratic Front in the state capital Ranchi, who has been jailed three times.
"Their armed squads were their main source of power. Now they have surrendered their weapons, they will have a lot of problems."
CHAMPIONS OF THE POOR?
India's Maoists trace their armed struggle back to an uprising in the eastern town of Naxalbari in 1967.
Today, their guerrilla squads operate in 13 of India's 29 states and around 165 of the country's 602 administrative districts, from the south through the central and eastern forests and up to Nepal.
In April, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh called the uprising "the single biggest internal security challenge" faced by India.
In rural, impoverished and tribal-dominated Jharkhand, Maoists drew support in the 1980s by chasing away landlords, redistributing land and ending a system of bonded labour.
Today, they try to tap into discontent over the displacement of tribespeople to make way for mines throughout mineral-rich eastern India, and also lead campaigns for rural labourers to be paid the legal minimum wage.
But quite how many people truly support the Maoists' revolutionary agenda is hard to tell.
Fear certainly plays a large part, analysts say, and the Maoists themselves occasionally sound frustrated at the locals' lack of revolutionary fervour.
Over in Nepal, Prachanda is remodelling himself as a political leader rather than a fearsome guerrilla. He insists he is a "21st Century communist" not a dogmatic one, and says India's Maoists have not "evolved" with the times.
It is not hard to see why he would want to dissociate himself from his Indian comrades, who want to chase away foreign investment and set up a socialist economic system.
"Parliamentary democracy has failed to bring change," said Marandi. "It is only possible through armed revolution."
Tuesday, November 28, 2006
Left Wing Extremism in India :Evolving Strategies for Containment
[Published in CRPF Samachar, New Delhi, October 2006]
1. THE THREAT
Left Wing Extremists, progressively united under the banner of the Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) see themselves as engaged in a classic Maoist ‘protracted war’ in India, whose eventual and unambiguous objective is the seizure of state power. This is a well-planned and calibrated attempt by an organized and ideologically motivated political grouping to wrest power through “the barrel of the gun”. The strategies of protracted war seek to harness all instruments, military, political, economic social and cultural, to the objectives of the war, and the Maoist campaign is a complex and severely underestimated mix of all these instrumentalities. The complexity and intractability of this conflict has been substantially compounded by conflicting and contradictory assessments emanating principally from official sources, and a persistent and misguided effort to underplay the risks and dangers of the Maoist threat in India.1
In his classic, On War, Clausewitz noted, “The first, the supreme, the most far-reaching act of judgment that the statesman and Commander have to make is to establish... the kind of war on which they are embarking: neither mistaking it for, nor trying to turn it into, something that is alien to its nature. This is the first of all strategic questions and the most comprehensive.”2 Regrettably, there is little evidence that India’s security establishment has even begun to make this ‘act of judgment’ or display the capacities to arrive at an accurate determination of the nature of the ‘protracted war’ in which the Maoists are engaged, and to which they remain unswervingly committed.
In the meantime, the Maoist threat appears to be overtaking all other insurgencies in the country on available objective parameters - geographical spread and number of fatalities. At least 165 districts in 14 States, out of a total of 602 districts in the country, were affected by various levels of Maoist mobilisation and violence by the end of year 2005. Terrorism in Jammu & Kashmir (J&K) affects 12 districts, while the combined influence of the multiple insurgencies in India's Northeast afflicts, in various measures, 51 Districts. Over the past years, moreover, while fatalities in various other insurgencies have tended to decline consistently (with the exception of Manipur) fatalities as a result of the Maoist conflict have continuously augmented, and appear to be fast approaching levels of the high-intensity conflict in J&K.3
It is, within this context, necessary to decide how we are to assess the threat of the Maoist insurrection. Data relating to the numbers of districts affected has been repeatedly contested by the Government, even as the nomenclature shifts. The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) report now speaks of just 76 'badly affected' Districts, excluding all information relating to other intensities of impact. The Home Minister has argued, further, that "Not all districts mentioned are affected. One affected village or hamlet does not mean that the entire district is affected."4 Thus, in addition to the fig leaf of 'badly affected', there is also the oft-repeated quibble over the fact that only 'parts of' these districts, and not the 'entire districts' are, in fact, affected. These 'parts' are then defined in terms of numbers of Police Stations affected. Thus the Ministry of Home Affairs Annual Report, 2005-06 claims that just 509 police stations in 11 States were affected by "Naxal violence" in 2005, underlining further that the "Total number of police stations in the country is 12,476". But this is specious at several levels: first, on the same argument, the entire jurisdiction of these Police Stations is not affected, only parts are under Naxalite influence and activity, and we would need, then, to perhaps further disaggregate to village or household level; moreover, the same arguments applied in the preceding year when the much larger numbers of districts were being enumerated as highly affected, moderately affected, marginally affected and targeted; the same argument, further, applied to earlier periods when the total number of 'affected' districts was much smaller. Crucially, the threat of the Naxalites is not limited to the areas of immediate violence, nor does this threat vanish if violence is not manifested at a particular location for a specific period of time. It is in the complex processes of political activity, mass mobilisation, arms training and military consolidation that the Maoist potential has to be estimated. While incidents of violence and fatalities would be crucial in any threat assessment, they cannot exhaust its entire content.
"Revolutionary warfare", Mao Tse-Tung noted, "is never confined within the bounds of military action. Because its purpose is to destroy an existing society and its institutions and to replace them with a completely new structure, any revolutionary war is a unity of which the constituent parts, in varying importance, are military, political, economic, social and psychological."5 Within this broad objective of destruction and reconstruction, India's Maoists seek to create a network of local 'people's Governments' (Janathana Sarkar), and to gradually integrate these across wider areas, to replace what they perceive as the existing 'semi-feudal, semi-colonial' system. These Janathana Sarkars are to create the framework that will eventually overthrow the existing state structure, leading to the seizure of power and the establishment of 'people's Democracy', as against the existing 'comprador bourgeois democracy'. This objective is to be secured in a phased, well-planned progression, which involves the following processes:
The study and documentation of local issues, grievances, and social and political power distribution
Political mass mobilization around these grievances, and the organization of protests and cooperative activities often though front organizations to raise the political awareness of the people. This phase is further complemented by
social and economic activities and establishment of cooperatives
Cultural activities, 're-education' of support base and creation of 'revolutionary solidarity'.
Holding of 'Jan Adalats' and dispensation of 'justice'
gradual and systematic introduction to the Maoist ideology, and later by the identification and selection of cadre, their training and deployment in the 'people's war'.
The phase of violence, which is ordinarily the point at which the state takes cognizance of the problem, consequently, comes at the tail end of the process of mass mobilization, and at a stage where neutralizing the threat requires considerable, if not massive, use of force, and carries further risks of significant collateral damage and disruption both of the lives of large populations, and of the capacities of governance. Within this context it is useful to notice not merely the current expanse of visible Maoist mobilisation, but the extent of their current intentions and ambitions.
Significantly, the CPI-Maoist has established Regional Bureaus across a mass of nearly two-thirds of the country's territory (Map 1), and these regions are further sub-divided into state, special zonal and special area committee jurisdictions, where the processes of mobilisation have been defined and allocated to local leaders. This structure of organisation substantially reflects current Maoist plans, but does not exhaust their perspectives or ambitions. There is further evidence of preliminary activity for the extension of operations to new areas including Gujarat, Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu & Kashmir and Meghalaya, beyond what is reflected in the scope of the regional, zonal and state committees. In 2004, moreover, the Maoists also articulated a new strategy to target urban centres in their "Urban Perspective Document", drawing up guidelines for "working in towns and cities", and for revival of mobilization targeting students and the urban unemployed. Two principal 'industrial belts' were also identified as targets for urban mobilisation: Bhilai-Ranchi-Dhanbad-Calcutta; and Mumbai-Pune-Surat-Ahmedabad.6
Map 1: Regional Bureaus of the CPI-Maoist
2. CAPACITIES FOR CONTAINMENT
Regrettably, there is no foreseeable strategy or policy for complete neutralization of the Maoist threat in India. The continuous erosion of governance and administrative capacities; the degradation of grassroots politics and of cadre based political organisation; the enormous expanse and growth of inequalities and inequities, particularly, but not exclusively, in rural India; and a range of demographic factors create vast opportunities for Left Wing Extremist (LWE) mobilisation. Naxalism, in its early phases, is expanding principally into spaces that have essentially been vacated by governance. The restoration of the authority and functions of governance, including development, health, education and basic social and human security, is consequently imperative, and must constitute an integral part of any comprehensive approach to the Maoist doctrine and strategy of protracted war. It must, nevertheless, be recognized that this can only be done after the restoration of a modicum of law and order, and hitherto unavailable efficiency in the operation of the justice system. The essential axiom, here, is that you cannot develop what you do not control - and domination is, therefore, the first objective of any effective strategy to neutralize the Maoist onslaught.
Demographic trends auger a troubled future for India, and will progressively undermine the State's capacities to neutralize the recruitment base and operational freedom of the Naxalites. India's population is projected to grow from 1.03 billion in 2001 to 1.30 billion by 2020. The urban population will rise from 27.8 per cent to 40 per cent of the total over this period, but in absolute terms would actually almost double, from 285 million to 540 million. This, however, offers no relief whatsoever in rural India; though the rural population declines in percentage terms from 72.2 per cent to 60 per cent, it rises in absolute numbers from 742 million to 810 million. The current patterns and policies that promote narrow and focused development in a handful of priority sectors in the hi-tech arena will further widen urban and rural-urban disparities, aggravating social tensions. There appears, at this juncture, to be no envisaged set of economic policies that can create a life of dignity and adequate prosperity for a rural population of 810 million by 2020.
There is, furthermore, an insufficient understanding within the national, state and security establishment of the details of Maoist strategy and tactics, and the imperatives of the character of response. It is useful to note, within this context, that the Union Government has failed at the planning and strategic level itself. The deficiencies of perspective and design are visible in the fact that no comprehensive strategy has yet been articulated to deal with the Maoist challenge; coordination and ntelligence sharing between States at the operational levels poor; while the Security Forces have, at great cost in lives, made dramatic gains from time to time, there have been continuous reversals at the tactical level, usually as a result of repeated political miscalculations and the refusal to provide the necessary mandate to the Forces operating against the Maoists.
Great faith has repeatedly been placed on 'developmental initiatives' in Maoist-affected regions to neutralize recruitment base of and sympathy towards the Maoists. There has been a regular reiteration, at the highest levels of the national Government, of the need for 'speedy land reforms' and 'streamlining the delivery mechanisms for implementation of various developmental and poverty alleviation schemes. These exhortations, however, neglect fundamental realities of the ground in areas of conflict, where the delivery mechanisms and administrative machinery of the state cowers under the shadow of violence, with Government officials often paying extortion sums and 'revolutionary taxes' to the Maoist. The much-vaunted 'land reforms', moreover, can have little impact in regions where a red flag on a piece of land conclusively alters its title. And funds flowing in for various developmental schemes in Maoist afflicted areas have no channels for productive utilization in the rural hinterland, where the civil administration has vanished and only the para-military column dares to venture.
One of the consistent feature across all the major Maoist-affected States is that they have extraordinarily poor policing capacities. As against a national average of 123 police personnel per 100,000 population, and some peaceful States with rations as high as 760/100,000 (Mizoram) and 602/100,000 (Sikkim), Bihar has just 56, Jharkhand - 74, Chhattisgarh and Orissa - 92, and even Andhra Pradesh, just 99 per 100,000 population. Worse, there is ample evidence that large proportions of the Central allocation for police modernization and upgradation remain unspent or are being diverted or mis-spent. At the local level, the lack of proper arms and equipment have hampered the police's ability to tackle the Naxalites. For instance, in Bihar, sections of the Police continue to use the antiquated World War I vintage bolt-action .303 rifles and other obsolete equipment, as compared to the foreign made guns and sophisticated Chinese-made communication equipment that are used by Maoists.
Political mischief and collusion have also been essential elements in the survival and growth of the Naxalite/Maoist movement. Political parties have often flirted with the Maoists for electoral gains and in doing so have provided adequate space and time for the Maoists to expand their areas of operation and to consolidate their influence.7
The problem cannot, moreover, be dealt with by mere tinkering - which appears to the principal pattern of response at the national level, as well as in most States. The Group of Minister's Report of February 2001 clearly noted that constitutional, legal and structural infirmities had "eroded the Union Government's authority to deal effectively with any threat to the nation's security", and called for "appropriate restructuring of the MHA". The GoM Report also underlined the need for "a federal agency to deal with grave offences, which have inter-state and notion-wide ramifications" as it becomes "increasingly difficult for the State Governments to handle such crimes entirely on their own".8 After the UPA Government came to power, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh repeatedly emphasized the enormity of the crisis and, in June 2004, promised a "comprehensive approach" which would "create greater synergy between our intelligence agencies, closer coordination between internal security structures".9 Regrettably, little of this promise has since been fulfilled.
As the problem of Maoist mobilisation and violence extends and integrates itself across State boundaries, a surprising establishment delusion continues to persist - that the existing legal and legislative framework has sufficient power, flexibility and scope to tackle the emerging complexities of response. A great measure of faith is, in this context, placed on the capacity of the Constitution's Article 355 to empower the Centre to generate the adequate and permanent mechanisms for a coordinated counter-terrorism offensive already spanning as many as 14 Indian States. Law and order, however, remains firmly a State subject in the Constitutional scheme, and the history of coordination between States has been abysmal. Article 355 may give the Centre overriding powers to "protect the States… against internal disturbances". But this is an emergency power that suffers from all the documented infirmities of Article 356, and will probably prove more effective in its abuse than in its use. Crucially, it cannot constitute the legislative basis of a permanent institutional mechanisms required for a protracted war against the Maoists, including the establishment of central agencies with standing powers to act across State boundaries over extended periods of time, with or without the assent of (potentially politically hostile) State governments. It is clear that little thinking has gone into the framework of legal and constitutional changes that will be needed to effectively tackle a coordinated insurgency that already afflicts over a fourth of the country.
The utilization of available forces and resources has also not been reconciled with any comprehensive counter-insurgency strategy or plan, as such a strategy or plan does not, currently, exist. To the extent that this is the case, the Naxalites are in substantial control of the initiative and are in a position to set the agenda of the conflict in the State and in its enveloping environment. The situation is compounded further by the fact that the availability of intelligence on the ground is insufficient for focused, intelligence-led operations, and systems of sharing intelligence remain bureaucratic and sub-optimal. Basic geographical, topographic and demographic information is, moreover, not available for significant areas, particularly the increasingly important Central Guerrilla Zone in the Dandakaranya region, specifically including the Abujhmadh area.
Facilities available to personnel of the Police and CPMFs operating in the State, especially in rural and remote areas, are very poor and often insufficient even to effectively secure their own protection, particularly in terms of living quarters, sequestering and fortification of camps and Police posts/stations, and access to various resources within such camps and posts. Basic equipment, transportation, communications and available technologies require generational upgrades. Force augmentation and modernisation is an urgent imperative across wide parameters.
Within the broader context of the absence of a comprehensive strategy or plan for counter-insurgency is the lack of a strategy of information, perception and media management, and a coherent strategy for the exploitation of public opinion and resentment against the Maoists. The present strategy of management of popular resentment has been undermined by haste, internal inconsistencies, politicisation, and excess publicity.
STRATEGIES OF CONTAINMENT
It is evident, from the preceding assessment of capacities, that urgent initiatives are required to create adequate capacities to generate and execute a sustained and effective war against the Maoists. A piecemeal approach cannot work. Each of the Maoist Guerrilla Base Areas has its own independent capacities and military, political and administrative structures. The degradation of any one area will not affect capacities in other areas, or significantly undermine overall capacities. Any 'squeeze' on a particular area would, moreover, tend to result in a escalation of violence in other regions, and, to the extent that such a 'squeeze' is effective, in the tactical withdrawal of the Maoist leadership and forces from such an area. A coordinated strategy of bringing the Maoists under pressure in all areas of activity, compounded with a strategy of containment to ensure that they are not able to 'leak' or 'overflow' into other areas, is consequently necessary.
The counter-insurgency campaign against the Maoists must be conceptualised as a 'protracted war' intended to systematically degrade the strengths and exploit the vulnerabilities of the Naxalite military and political apparatus. If effective operations are to be designed within this context, officers of the State Police establishments and para-military forces must develop a full and detailed understanding of the ideological and operational bases of Maoist mass mobilisation and the strategic underpinnings of their military operations and tactics in order to tailor counter-insurgency practices to secure maximal impact.
The state must establish complete dominance over its entire jurisdiction. There can be no areas of 'non-governance', no 'neglected hinterlands', no safe havens for subversives, insurgents and terrorists, and no 'natural' recruitment pool for the Naxalites to exploit. This requires, as a first stage of response, the creation of a number of strongly held bases, strategically located to dominate the total currently non-policed areas which are available to the Naxalites for training and rest. Such bases would have to be of sufficient strength - at least two-company bases, of which at least four platoons are available for operations round-the-clock. The provisioning of some of these bases may initially have to be done by air-drops, and suitable capacities must be established to this end.
In the medium term, however, such bases should be conceived of not only in the context of security and policing, but as administrative bases which carry forward the integrated tasks of security management, administration and development. The current debate - to develop and then secure, or to secure and then develop - is futile and misdirected. Both these tasks need to be undertaken together, though a modicum of security and stability is a necessary condition for administrative efficacy and developmental works. Moreover, the State's developmental focus must not be exhausted by areas of present violence - this allows the Naxalites to dominate the State's agenda again. There are vast areas of the country and in affected States which are not afflicted by Naxalite activities and violence, and where developmental activities can even now be efficiently executed. By improving administration, bringing in necessary reforms, and efficiently delivering public services, including improvements in rural health, education, sanitation, water supply, and a range of developmental programmes in such areas, the State denies the Naxalites a ready base for further expansion. Successes in such areas can simultaneously be extended, under security cover, to areas of some Naxalite violence, to systematically and gradually roll back the 'red carpet' that has come to cover large parts of the State.
A comprehensive plan for the operationalisation of the police forces in the country needs to be prepared. Such a plan must include a phased and sectoral long-term projection of capacities required to confront the Maoist threat, and must comprehend, among others:
Manpower requirements and profiles.
Weapons, transport, protection and equipment
Technological upgradation and technical force multipliers
Expansion and deepening of intelligence structures and capacities
Capacities for Specialized Training
Adequate capacities, including helicopters, for emergency deployment of troops, emergency relief and medical evacuation.
Laboratories and workshops to develop, assess and produce appropriate technologies.
A permanent structure of media, information and perception management targeting both the regional and national media.
India's country's counter-insurgency strategy for the Maoists must be a comprehensive design intended to utilize all agencies and capacities of the state - including security, administrative, developmental, economic and public instrumentalities - to secure the neutralization of the Naxalite threat within the context and concept of a protracted war. Such a strategy would need to neutralize both the military capacities of the insurgents as well as their 'mass base' and political outreach into the population, particularly, though not exclusively, in rural and remote areas. To this end, security and administration must extend to the remotest villages and settlements to engage with the villagers, settle grievances, provide relief, and create a vested interest among the entire population in the State and in its structures of administration.
Dr. Ajai Sahni is Founding Member & Executive Director of the Institute for Conflict Management at Delhi; Executive Editor, Faultlines: Writings on Conflict & Resolution; Executive Director, South Asia Terrorism Portal (www.satp.org); Editor, South Asia Intelligence Review; and Founding Member and Associate Director of the Urban Futures Initiative. He has written extensively on conflict, politics and development in South Asia; has jointly edited (with K.P.S. Gill) Terror & Containment: Perspectives on India’s Internal Security; and The Global Threat of Terror: Ideological, Material and Political Linkages. He received a Ph.D. from Delhi University for his thesis on Democracy, Dissent and the Right to Information. He has worked in the print and electronic media, and research.
Tuesday, November 28, 2006 23:50 IST
NAGPUR: An outlawed naxal organisation has admitted to its involvement in the current struggle against the September 29 Kherlanji Dalit massacre for the first time.
“We have nothing to hide about this association. We pledge to stand by the Dalit masses and help them punish the real culprits,” Maharashtra State Committee General Secretary of the Communist Party of India (Maoists), Chandrakanth, has said in a letter drafted in English but signed in Hindi. The letter, dated November 18, has been circulated to a few local dailies and correspondents of national dailies based in Nagpur.
The letter has hailed "the heroic militant struggle" of Dalit masses against the Kherlanji killings and dared the Dalit leaders “to resign from their parliament and assembly seats if they were sincere to the Dalit cause.”
“Traditional Dailt leadership has sold itself in service of Brahminical upper castes and the reactionary classes. These leaders are ‘subhedars’ of the ruling elite,” the letter said. It has warned of intensifying the struggle to punish the political leaders behind the Kherlanji incident.
The chief of Anti-Naxal Operation Pankaj Gupta, told DNA on Tuesday that his office is examining the veracity of letter but “from the style and content the letter looks authentic.”
The open admission by the naxals vindicates deputy chief minister R R Patil's statement when he linked the protests to a naxal hand. Patil had later retracted his statement.
"Let us now just consider where do we stand as far as Left-Wing extremism or Maoism, is concerned. Today, right from the border of Assam till down deep South, you have 40 per cent of India’s geographical area, 35 per cent of population, whose habitable areas are directly or indirectly affected by Naxalism. These are the areas in which parallel Governments are running or their primacies are being established. The Maoist use the phrase “Creation of a Compact Revolutionary Zone.” These Compact Revolutionary Zones from the border of Nepal cover Jharkhand, Bihar, parts of Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Chhaattisgarh, parts of Karnataka and a lot of Andhra Pradesh
One police station was captured in Naxalbadi and a movement had begun and we thought that through the 70s, we had been able to finish off the movement. Today, in East Champaran in Madhuban, you had this case. There is a high level of militarisation of this movement which has taken place. The quality of weapons they have, undoubtedly, can face the best of security forces. In areas, where they have been able to establish control, where they levy taxes, where they run parallel Governments, usual security agencies and Government agencies are reluctant to interfere. They do it in the name of human rights and various other names and start rationalising this kind of violence. How is the Government going to deal with all this? The problem is immense and the Government seems to be working in the opposite direction. "
Monday, November 27, 2006/Agrahayana 6, 1928 (Saka)
SHRI ARUN JAITELY, initiating the discussion, said: The UPA Government now has been in power for almost two-and-a-half years. There are several fronts on which the Government has certainly not lived up to the popular expectations. We have seen in the last two-and-a-half years gross Constitutional improprieties committed for partisan reasons in Jharkhand, Goa and Bihar. We have seen the dilution of the Prime Ministerial authority and the criminalization of the Council of Ministers. We have also seen the abrogation of an effort to pursue an independent foreign policy. These are the broad heads which have disappointed the whole country. But, certainly the management of the country's internal security is the largest single failure of this Government. Now, the challenge to internal security is not limited to areas which were traditionally infested with terrorism, but it has extended even in other parts of the country also. The question is whether India is safe in the hands of the UPA? Every time any major incident of sabotage or attack or terrorist violence takes place, the Hon'ble Prime Minister and the Hon'ble Home Minister utter the usual kind of templates that this is condemnable; the Government and the country will have zero-tolerance to terrorism. But, after this exercise, this Government sits back and waits for the next attack to take place. This has been the history of the last two-and-a-half years. Even the latest document circulated by them has nothing which inspires real confidence among the people.
The 24-page document of NCMP virtually makes no reference to the management of the country's internal security. The management of the internal security in this country is not a UPA priority. There is no mention of what the national strategy has to be to deal with terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir and how the left wing extremism has to be combated. Our intelligence agencies have been keeping the highest functionaries of the Government well informed as to what the ground-level situation today in the country is. But, the real problem is the own approach of the UPA . If hard decisions are not to be taken, if terrorism and the deteriorating internal security situation is to be dealt with by kid gloves, this Government will never be able to effectively tackle the internal security of the country. Internal security has to be tackled on security considerations. But the approach of the UPA is that they make political capital out of it and use it into an instrument of vote bank politics?
It is for the first time in the 59 years of Indian Independence that the Director of IB, chose a public platform to deliver his views. Before the entire country, and television and media the Government is to be advised that all your existing traditional legal architectures for dealing with terrorism have failed and, therefore, think of a solution, which is commensurate to the problem that we are seeking to tackle. But then this would have no effect on a Government whose priority is not national security but, whose priority is vote bank politics. We had a situation 17 or 18 years ago where Pakistan realized very clearly that in conventional warfare it has not succeeded and therefore, it resorted to an alternative tactic. Today incidents of sabotage and terrorist attack are not merely confined to Jammu and Kashmir. Today, ISI modules have been expanding along the length and breadth of this country. Huge quantities of arms and explosives recovered from Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Gujarat, Goa, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and West Bengal clearly project the magnitude of the problem.
The targets of principle terrorist attacks are chosen very carefully so as to destroy the Indian economic, religious and social fabric of the Indian society. Terrorist attack made in Ayodhya, Delhi, Bangalore, Varanasi, Nagpur, Mumbai and Malegaon are believed to be attacks inspired and planned across the border. The network and the art of violence is now spreading. Most of these are even, today, planned across the border. But now you have to face an unfortunate reality that these cross border attacks are also being supported at places by home-grown terrorists. The centre of activities has also shifted. The fencing across the border has made it little difficult on our Western border to have infiltration. Therefore, a large amount of infiltration is taking place from the open borders of Nepal and Bangladesh. From Nepal, it is of both kind not only the ISI but also the leftwing extremists. In Bangladesh you have open border. If you have 20 million illegal migrant population, it is possible for these miscreants, these terrorists, to come and mix with the local population. So, detection becomes extremely difficult.
The security response has been very poor in case of Mumbai blast on 11th July, 2006.In 1993, when Mumbai was attacked, the case was cracked up within days. When this Parliament was attacked, the investigation response was that within 48 hours the response started coming out who were the possible and what was the manner in which the attack had been planned. But when the political executive of the day treats this as a non-priority item, does it inflict upon our intelligence agencies and our security responses also. The Government by its inadequate response, by its negative response has lowered the national morale as far as the fight against terror is concerned.
You repealed the POTA. It was a law that was intended against terrorists, but it was campaigned that it was against a particular community. The two significant points in POTA were: one, it had special bail provisions, which made bail extremely difficult, if not impossible. The second aspect was that confessions made to a police officer of high rank were admissible as evidence. Several State Governments said that POTA deals with terrorism, and then wanted the same power to deal with organized crime. Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra asked for the same permission. The Government gave them permission. So, you had the same law not for terrorists, but for organized mafia. The Rajasthan and the Gujarat have passed the same law as MCOCA, But these two States have not been permitted even to enact these laws against organised crimes. Without the benefit of the evidence provisions in TADA, many of the accused have gone scot-free. You opposed POTA for political reasons, so you cannot bring POTA back. Ordinary law will be insufficient to deal with them. So, now, there is a localized law of POTA called MCOCA which is not meant against terrorists, but it is meant to be used against organised mafia.
This is the real dichotomy in the approach as far as this Government is concerned, that as a Government it does not want to have all the powers as to how to fight terrorism itself. Most of the agencies such as Intelligence Coordination Group and the National Technology Research Organisation have really become non-functional. The Central Government appears to be virtually clueless on how to deal with the situation in Jammu and Kashmir except for making formal announcements from time to time.
When you had the round table conference, you started announcing groups, which is more dangerous. One of the groups is to deal with the Centre-State constitutional relationship. It is not going to resolve the problem. This not the problem of Kashmir that within the valley, the Assembly has inadequate powers. But problem is terrorism, the problem is cross-border terrorism; the problem is economic. Instead of addressing that problem, you set up only groups.
Indian diplomacy was at its peak when it said that globally, if there was one issue of internationalization between India and Pakistan, it was cross-border terrorism. Pakistan wanted to internationalization Kashmir while we wanted to internationalise Cross-border terrorism; and the world started listening to us during those six years.
The second difficult area other than Kashmir is Assam. In the talks with the people’s consultation group in Assam not even the lowest rung of Ulfa leadership participated. When we speak in terms of internal security, one case of Afzal Guru reflect the attitude of the Government. There have been cases which the Government may go on considering indefinitely but there are cases where the Governments in the past disposed off the case within hours. In the case of the assassins of Gen. Vaidya the clemency application was disposed off within hours.
Let us now just consider where do we stand as far as Left-Wing extremism or Maoism, is concerned. Today, right from the border of Assam till down deep South, you have 40 per cent of India’s geographical area, 35 per cent of population, whose habitable areas are directly or indirectly affected by Naxalism. These are the areas in which parallel Governments are running or their primacies are being established. The Maoist use the phrase “Creation of a Compact Revolutionary Zone.” These Compact Revolutionary Zones from the border of Nepal cover Jharkhand, Bihar, parts of Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Chhaattisgarh, parts of Karnataka and a lot of Andhra Pradesh
One police station was captured in Naxalbadi and a movement had begun and we thought that through the 70s, we had been able to finish off the movement. Today, in East Champaran in Madhuban, you had this case. There is a high level of militarisation of this movement which has taken place. The quality of weapons they have, undoubtedly, can face the best of security forces. In areas, where they have been able to establish control, where they levy taxes, where they run parallel Governments, usual security agencies and Government agencies are reluctant to interfere. They do it in the name of human rights and various other names and start rationalising this kind of violence. How is the Government going to deal with all this? The problem is immense and the Government seems to be working in the opposite direction.
The Supreme Court says that the IMDT Act was really enacted for the purpose of legitimatising infiltration. It created a complicated procedure by which infiltration could be legitimatised and, therefore, it is unconstitutional. I would like to ask from the hon. Home Minister as to what happened to the multipurpose national identity cards scheme. You may require social solutions but, at the same time, the security situations really cannot be ignored. From the approach of the Government, it is very clear that we are not safe in the hands of the UPA Government. Our boundaries are not safe, our borders are not safe and our people are not safe. As far as the Maoists threat is concerned, before it is too late, the Government needs to wake up.
GUNTUR: The Rajupalem police arrested three persons on the charges of extracting money from the people in the name of Naxals.
According to police, Chirasani Basavapunna Reddy, Vempati Kotireddy, Sanikommu Pratapa Reddy and A Srinivasa Rao were jointly carrying out maize business. Three of them developed suspicion on Basavapunna Reddy that he was cheating them.
The three along with two others went to the house of the parents of Basavapunna Reddy and demanded money in the name of Naxals. On receiving information Rajupalem sub-inspector Brahmaiah arrested Koti Reddy, Pratap Reddy and Srinivasa Rao. He said a search was on for the remaining two persons.
Bokaro, Nov. 27: A team of security personnel recovered a huge cache of arms and ammunition, including hand grenades, detonators, gelatin sticks, binoculars and Naxalite literature, early this morning from the the Lugu Pahadi region of Bokaro barely 16 km from Purulia in Bengal.
The incident gives a clear indication of the movement of the Maoists towards the Bengal border, contradicting the trajectory towards the Parasnath (Giridih) and Bihar zone that was charted out in a confidential intelligence report submitted to the home ministry.
Bengal, it is believed, provides the outlawed rebels a safer gateway to Chhattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh, particularly in the face of the increasing security glare in the Jhumra hills, once considered a red bastion and the breeding ground of top Maoist leaders.
According to sources, the security team, acted on a tip-off provided by three informers and launched a raid in the region.
However, the team failed to arrest any of the Naxalites, who, it was apparent, had run away after being intimated of the hunt.
Addressing a press conference here, Bhattacharjee said that the blast on the Haldibari-Siliguri train on November 20 that left seven dead was a very powerful one and the militant group Kamtapur Liberation Organisation, whose hand had been suspected, was incapable of it.
He, however, conceded KLO members could have been used to carry out the blast.
The name of the terrorist group would be disclosed after recieving the forensic report, he said.
The KLO which suffered a serious setback after Operation Allclear by the Royal Bhutan Army in December 2003, was now trying to regroup with the help of the ULFA, he said.
He said a section of KLO members in jail had sought to return to the mainstream and the home department had been asked to list them. The government had a provision for the rehabilitation of such people.
On Indian cricket coach Greg Chappell's comment on parliamentarians, Bhattacharjee said, "He should be immediately relieved."
He said he was optimistic that former captain Sourav Ganguly would return to the Indian team and reiterated that he was victimised.
Two Nepali Maoist leaders, Chandra Prakash Gajural and Mohan Baidya, will be released from prison in West Bengal either tonight or tomorrow, Bhattacharjee said.
On his recent visit to India, Nepal's Maoist chief Prachanda had sought the release of the two leaders.
About Naxalite leader Kanu Sanyal's threat of an armed struggle against the acquisition of farm land for industry, Bhattacharjee said, "Kanuda will not do so. I will make him understand."
BHADRACHALAM: A Maoist was killed in an exchange of fire between activists of CPI (Maoist) and police in Battenapalli forest area, bordering Chattisgarh in Charla mandal on Monday.
The police also seized a 303-rifle, one SBBL gun and 20 rounds of ammunition, besides one camera flash from the place of incident.
According to Venkatapuram circle inspector S Sravankumar, when a special police party was combing for Maoists who escaped yesterday in a similar incident, they came across a group of Naxalites. As the extremists suddenly opened fire on the police, the latter countered the firing, which continued for 15 minutes.
In the melee that ensued, the Naxalites escaped into the deep forests. Later, the body of an unidentified Naxalite was found at the incident spot.
With the death of a second Maoist within two days, police announced a red alert in the agency area. It may be noted that the body of a Naxalite was found after the firing between police and the Naxals in the same region on Sunday. The police have intensified search in the region.
In negotiations with Pakistan, the centrality of cross border terrorism as the core issue should be maintained and any talk of "self rule" or going back to pre-1953 status on Jammu and Kashmir should not be encouraged or entertained, senior BJP leader Arun Jaitley said.
"No ad hoc solutions," should be pursued in Kashmir, he said initiating a short duration discussion on Internal Security during which members argued that the situation in naxal-hit states was assuming "alarming proportion".
Jaitley said during the two-and-a-half-year rule of the Congress-led UPA government, several gross constitutional improprieties were committed.
He recalled imposition of President's rules in Jharkhand and Goa and alleged the authority of the Prime Minister had been diluted.
"But the largest single failure of the government is on the internal security front," Jaitley said.
He wanted to know what steps the government had taken after terror attacks in Ayodhya, Varanasi, Mumbai and Bangalore.
[ 28 Nov, 2006 0221hrs ISTTIMES NEWS NETWORK ]
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BOKARO: The Bokaro police, in a combined operation with Central Reserve Police force (CRPF), on Monday recovered a huge amount of explosives from a natural bunker used by Maoists to stock their explosives in Luggu Hill area under Mahuataad police station of the district.
The police recovered 90 pieces of detonators, 50 kg gelatin sticks, three countrymade grenades, two steel canes and batteries used in planting landmines, high range binoculars, posters, Naxal literatures and packets of condoms with contraceptive pills during the operation, said SP M S Bhatia, adding that this was the first natural bunker unearthed by police forces used by Maoists to stock their explosives.
The SP further said the police, acting on a tip-off, laid a trap under the leadership of SDPO Bermo Aswini Kumar at Luggu Hill and raided the area to recover the explosives.
AIDS awareness:Care India, an NGO, in collaboration with Pradyogik Vikas Sansthan has evolved a unique way to create awareness about AIDS.
The NGO, under its Gyan Ranjan Programme, is using various film songs and quiz programmes to create awareness. The songs, prepared on popular film numbers, is always full of entertainment and knowledge-rendering also.
The audience not only enjoy the songs but also take part in quiz programmes based on AIDS awareness. People also receive gifts for the correct answer.
According to social marketing officer of the NGO Varun Kumar, the event is getting overwhelming response from the residents here.
"We, through this platform, convey our message about the dreaded disease to the masses. Though our programmes attract one and all, our main target is migrant labourers and truckers who are easily exposed to deadly virus," he said.
Monday, November 27, 2006
Team led by Maharashtra DGP reported at conference this week on threat to critical installations, including atomic energy, space; national coastal police station network to be expanded
NEW DELHI, NOVEMBER 25:When Home Minister Shivraj Patil rang the alarm bell this week over threats to critical installations and nuclear power stations, he had one reason: as many as 51 spy rings involved in gathering information and details on such installations have been busted in the past two years.
Its reliably learnt that this information was disclosed at this weeks conference of DGPs from all states. Patil, while inaugurating the conference, underlined the threat posed by Pakistan-based groups to such critical installations, especially along the coast.
A committee, led by Director General of Maharashtra Police P S Pasricha, had recently gone into these threats and its report was discussed at the conference. The committee pointed out that threat levels against nuclear installations have increased after the proposed Indo-US nuclear deal.
In 2005, it was revealed that 18 espionage modules were busted and 30 agents were arrested, of which 19 were Indians. This year, until mid-September, 17 modules had been detected.
Sources say the main aim of these modules was to provide information that could facilitate attacks on the hinterland.
The critical installations and systems broadly mapped by this committee are atomic energy and space installations, petro-chemical complexes, including those run by the private sector, Defence installations like Ordnance depots, communication networks and systems, the I-T sector, airports and sea ports as well as mass transit systems.
Specific mention was made of the petro-chemical infrastructure located along the western coast and that this is under threat from terror groups and crime mafia which can use the high seas to carry out an attack.
In this connection, the government is now looking to give a push to its plan for setting up coastal police stations at the cost of over Rs 15 lakh per station. An amount of Rs 151 crore has been earmarked for this but only 12 have come up so far. Six of these are in Andhra Pradesh and two in West Bengal. Besides this, an Indian Infrastructure Protection Centre has been set up under the National Technical Research Organisation, the hub for technical intelligence gathering.
Based on intelligence reports and assessments, this centre will come out with specific list of critical installations under threat. Much of the focus of this centre is on the I-T sector, said sources.
With all the sympathies to the Naxal ideologies (often supporting them too in the back of my mind), I appreciate the feeling what the 'revolutionaries' must be feeling. Had I not seen and experienced some of the failed Naxals of original Naxalbari who later leaped so high and long that common man could never see them. Many of such brilliant intellectuals are now spending their retired lives in the safe haven of European and American countries.
Many of these failed or retired Naxals found place (often plum positions) in the 'so-called' Bourgeoisie newspapers.
The romanticism has a nuisance value but beyond that, I have seen ideologies getting diluted in wine glasses. Why the Naxalbari failed to achieve what it had set out to is a known fact --- if only the leaders had not been sold-off -- maybe we could have seen a better society today.
Revolution is a serious word, but has lost its weight with time. We all know that the existing bunch of politicians and Left leaders are intolerably corrupt. But can the Naxals show us some hope?
An Admirer of naxal movement
We learned from a reliable sources that the son of revolutionary singer Mr.Gadhar is living in USA , YES ,United States of America -- the most hated country by the Naxalites which is termed as imperial and the Indian government as stoogies of West , World Bank etc . With all due respect we wish to ask Mr.Gadhar why he didn't sent his kid to China ( the Land of Mao) or Cuba ? What about the fate of ordinary villagers
You serenade innocent village youth to take up arms and fight against the state in the name of class struggle ,castism,and social justice and imperialism etc etc …what not , while your families enjoy a five star life . Don’t you think that you owe an answer to your people ? Shouldn't their kids also prosper like your kids ? These kids should be either with your son in the USA or your son should be with them .
We wish to see every kid in India to be educated and live like a royal citizen and contribute to the development of the country . Hypocrites like you are parasites in the society, masquerading as “revolutionaries “ , it is just a matter of time people will realize and hound you and your ideological buddies .
He also sought 'clear and purposive' response to threats posed by terrorism, extremism and insurgency in different parts of the country.
"No democratic government can tolerate the targeted killing of innocent people. While our government is willing to talk to any disaffected group prepared to abjure violence, it stands firmly committed to enforcing zero tolerance to terrorism within the framework of existing laws," he said.
Dr Singh was addressing a seminar on 'Law, Terrorism and Development' organised in connection with National Law Day.
"Terrorists have to be dealt with as terrorists per se," he said noting such elements had no religion or faith and do not belong to any community.
"No community or religion can and should be blamed for irresponsible and violent acts of a few individuals of that community or religion," he said.
Home Minister Shivraj Patil, Law Minister H R Bhardwaj and Attorney General Milon K Banerjee and a number of legal luminaries attended the day long seminar.
"I urge leaders of all communities to ensure that fringe elements seeking to disrupt our society are identified, isolated and, wherever possible, encouraged to join the national mainstream," Dr Singh said.
The prime minister said people of all communities, faiths, regions and religions want to live a life of peace, security, self-respect and dignity.
They recognised that the future prosperity and well being of the nation lies in maintaining peace and communal harmony in the country, he said.
To counter terrorism, he said, the government had taken many steps for improving intelligence collection system and intelligence sharing for enhancing capabilities and for better coordination between various agencies.
"We also need to use relevant provisions of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act and the Prevention of Money Laundering Act to cut off flow of funds to terrorists," Dr Singh said, adding there was need to streamline investigation and prosecution machinery to apprehend culprits involved in acts of terror.
Emphasising the need to pursue investigation and prosecution of such cases in a professional and scientific manner, he said 'at the same time, in our attempts to deal with terrorism the police and security agencies should make every determined effort to ensure that innocent citizens are neither harmed nor subjected to undue harassment'.
Dr Singh said that the judiciary at different levels also has a vital role in ensuring that such cases were tried expeditiously and offenders were brought to justice without delay.
"Central and swift punishment is an effective deterrent to potential terrorists," he said.
Observing that terrorist groups have become more sophisticated, better networked and highly motivated, Dr Singh said their linkage with organised crime, like drug trafficking, gun running, counterfeit currency and money laundering was a matter of extreme concern.
"Terrorism has also emerged as one of the most serious threats to international peace. Terrorists do not believe in democracy and the rule of law," he said.
Apart from strong and sustained police action against anti-national and terrorist elements, civil society also has a major role to play in preventing terrorist activities and in fighting the ideologies of extremism, he said.
"Our aim is to forge a meaningful partnership to successfully meet the challenge posed by terrorism," he said.
Noting that he derived great satisfaction from the public reaction to terrorist incidents in the recent past and people stood firm and united against attempt to disturb communal harmony, Dr Singh said, "It is my strong belief that nothing can undermine India's resilience in the maintenance of peace and communal harmony."
Hoping that the deliberations of the seminar would help sensitise judiciary and legal fraternity to the need for efficient, speedy dispensation of justice, Dr Singh said, "This is an important means of fighting terrorism and promoting development."
BHADRACHALAM: A Maoist was killed in an exchange of fire between Bodanalli and Sattenapalli in Charla mandal bordering Chattisgarh, 60 km from Bhadrachalam on Sunday afternoon.
According to sources, a special police party combing the area was confronted by Charla guerilla dalam led by Jhansi, Renukakka and Rambabu. The police fired 100 rounds. An unidentified Naxalite was killed in the firing.
The police also seized a fire arm from the deceased Naxalite, according to Venkatapuram circle inspector S Sravankumar.
Sunday, November 26, 2006
Tehelka magazine recently published an interview with Kanu Sanyal, the last surviving patriarch of the original Naxalite movement. Today when Naxalism is often used and understood interchangeably with insurgency and plain old terrorism, it is almost romantic to recall the days of the original Naxalbari movement and its ideals. There were three key leaders who had broken away from the communist party of India (Marxist) after being disillusioned. The CPI (M) was formed after many of the members felt that the undivided CPI was no longer a party of revolution but had become a fellow traveler of the congress and had decided to tread the path of parliamentary democracy.
Soon however the CPI (M) was found to be following the same path and many of the revolutionaries were disillusioned. Among the three prominent ones, who came out were Kanu Sanyal, Charu Mazumdar and Jungal Santhal. As was the case then and as is the case now, the three did not agree on every thing but they were agreed on the need and necessity to have a revolution which alone they felt could bring about social change. And so began the story of Naxalbari and the failed revolution which petered out due to the brutal repression carried out by the Siddhartha Shankar Ray led last congress government in west Bengal.
In the post emergency elections of 1977, the Left Front with its non revolutionary but socialist leaning policies came into power , absorbed the cadres who were not already killed or disillusioned and it has been the same story in every election in West Bengal ever since. Of the leaders, Charu Mazumdar and Jungal Santhal are dead but Kanu Sanyal is still the leader of one of the CPI (ML) factions and lives in Naxalbari. He is in the twilight of his life, his health is failing, he has seen more setbacks than victories in his hardship filled life but there is still hope sparkling in his eyes. His idealism has been trampled but not crushed and amazingly not extinguished.
For those who missed out on that generation, Govind Nihalani's Hazar Chourasi ki Ma" captures the images of that generation very well- spirits that will be defeated but never destroyed, even in death, an insensitive state conscious of the letter of the law but not its spirit, bewildered parents who try hard to understand the passion that drives their children and often fail, the shallowness of the lives of many young people , even as another set of their own peers march to the beat of a different drum that seemingly only they can hear.
I would never be able to agree with the methods that the Naxalites used then or now what ever be the ideological justification they present. But I can never cease to admire the likes of Kanu Sanyal and the many unknowns that films like Hazar Chaurasi ki Ma and Hazaron Khwaishen Aise depict - people who received nothing at all in this life - not wealth, not honor, not power, not any one of the creature comforts that people often chase all their lives and still in their old age with nothing at all of their ideological aspirations visible on the horizon are still able to hope for things that are very visibly unseen.
Shantanu Dutta is a doctor by training and a development professional by vocation. He is an onlooker on events happening in India and the world in the realm of society, politics and the many intangible events that populate our lives.
The operation was carried out by police from Gondia and Gadchiroli districts.
A group of 50 to 60 Naxals were participating in a training camp in the forest, sources said adding, when the police cornered them, the Naxals fired which was promptly returned by police.
Four dead bodies were recovered from the spot, along with a single bore and 12 bore rifle, seven claymore mines, two detonators and seven bags.
Two police constables sustained injuries and were rushed to a nearby civic hospital, police added.
Hyderabad : Dealing another severe blow to the CPI (Maoist), police shot dead Gautam alias Bandareddy Subba Rao in an alleged encounter near Bandigadda village in Y Ramavaram mandal of East Godavari district.
Gautam, who carried a cash reward of Rs 10 lakh on his head, was a member of the central technical committee and also of the Andhra Orissa Boarder special zone committee.However, APCLC alleged that Gautam and his wife Saroja, Visakhapatnam
district committee member, were arrested by the police in Vijayawada and Gautam was killed in a fake encounter. Saroja was still in police custody, they said.
The death of Gautam is being viewed as a setback to the six-member Central Technical Committee, headed by Tirupathaiah alias Deoji, who is also CPI (Maoist) central committee member. He is considered to be an expert in assembling weapons.
Meanwhile, in a pre-dawn strike, the naxals killed Congress leader and Bollapalli mandal praja parishad president Thumma Rami Reddy (60) in front of his home in Vinukonda of Guntur distirct.
Mumbai, November 24, 2006
The war between Naxals and the police has found a new stage — the blogosphere.
On October 1, Naxalites took their ideology to cyberspace through naxalrevolution.blogspot.com. Afraid of losing the online battle, officers attached to the anti-Naxal wing launched a counter-blog — naxalwatch.blogspost.com.
The Naxal blog contains comprehensive articles about their ideology and objectives. The content, in well-written English, attacks the political system and claims to have registered 3,196 page views in the last two months. Besides India, there were hits from the US, mainly New York, Chicago and Washington. There were also many hits from the UK, the Netherlands, Germany and Switzerland.
The blog has a list of other radical left-leaning blogs too. In its acerbic articles, the blog describes large corporates as "legal psychopaths" and criticises Nepal Maoists for getting influenced by the "dark side of the force". It also lampoons the Indian Left by describing Communist Party of India (Marxist) leader Sitaram Yechury as a "stooge and stormtrooper".
"Naxals took to blogging after the government banned their website. There is nothing we can do about it, but we are trying to develop a strategy on how to tackle the menace," said Inspector General of Anti-Naxal Operations in Maharashtra Pankaj Gupta.
The anti-Naxal blog is anonymous, but some officers who declined to be named confirmed that it was set up and is being run by anti-Naxal authorities. The blog claims to “monitor all terror activities of Indian naxals”. It claims that the aim of the People’s War Group is to destablise India and the sub-continent “through a well-coordinated strategy with international revolutionaries, and support from Pakistan and China”.
"I am not sure who runs the counter-blog. The Union Home ministry may have an idea,” said Gupta. Additional Secretary (Union Home Ministry, Anti-Naxal Wing) Vinay Kumar declined to comment.
This blog also lists police achievements in containing the Naxal violence and details achievements of policemen, describing those who died in Naxal attacks as martyrs.
Home Ministry sources who declined to be named said setting up the counter-blog was one of the first decisions taken by the Anti-Naxal Wing after it was formed a couple of weeks ago. "The aim of the wing was to monitor and curb Naxal operations and to have a central one-point agency to coordinate the efforts,” said a senior home official.
Email Aditya Ghosh: firstname.lastname@example.org