Friday, March 30, 2007

Maoists shoot at guard in SSC exam hall

[ 31 Mar, 2007 0202hrs ISTTIMES NEWS NETWORK ]

GUNTUR: Maoists disrupted the SSC examinations on Friday when they attacked a home guard at an examination centre in Prakasam district here. The 100-odd students appearing for the exam fled the scene, but the extremists told them that they would not harm them and that they should write their exam.

The students were later given extra time by the authorities to finish their exam after the Maoists left the scene. The condition of the home guard who was shot at is said to be critical.

According to information reaching here, at least three armed naxals entered the examination hall at Enuguladinnepadu, a remote village in Peddaraveedu mandal, around 11.30 am. They reportedly enquired from the watchman the whereabouts of the armed police. On seeing them, home guard G Raju tried to run away.

Raju escaped the first bullet, ran into a classroom and bolted it from inside. But the Maoists reportedly chased him and after breaking open the door, shot at the home guard on his chest from close range. Raju reportedly received two bullets.

Meanwhile, the terrified students ran away from the examination hall leaving behind their answer sheets. On noticing this, the Maoists reportedly appealed to the students to complete their exam and that they would not be harm them. The three Maoists then fled the scene.

District education officer Anjaneya Sastry discussed the incident with the local officials and directed them to give the students extra time to finish their exam. He said they would seek special permission of the SSC board to allow the students who left the examination in the middle because of the naxal attack to reappear for the exam.

Meanwhile, home guard Raju, who was rushed to the Markapuram government hospital and then to the Government General Hospital (GGH) at Guntur, is said to be battling for his life.

Nandigram can excel Naxalbari’

Founder of the landmark Naxalbari Movement, Kanu Sanyal was born in 1929, at Kurseong in Darjeeling. His father, the late Annada Govinda Sanyal, was a court clerk and posted at Kurseong at the time of his death. The youngest but one among five brothers and a sister, Mr Sanyal went to Kurseong ME School (renamed Pushparani Roy Memorial High School) and became a matriculate in 1946. He did not complete the intermediate course in science at the Jalpaiguri College.

In 1949, Mr Sanyal got recruited at the Kalimpong court as a revenue clerk, only to continue in the service for six months until his transfer to the Siliguri court. He was arrested on the charge of waving a black flag at the then chief minister of Bengal, the late Bidhan Chandra Roy, in Siliguri. The agitation was in protest against the Centre’s ban on the undivided Communist Party of India in 1948.
At the Jalpaiguri Jail, where he was lodged during the brief imprisonment in 1949, Mr Sanyal met his future comrade, the then CPI district secretariat member, the late Charu Majumdar. Immediately after his release, Mr Sanyal joined the CPI, and became a whole-time member the following year. In 1964, when the CPI split on the issue of the Sino-Indian conflict, he sided with the new faction, the CPI-M.
A revolutionary at heart, Mr Sanyal could not concur with the “revisionist” stance of the CPI-M and soon stood out as a prominent activist of the party’s “radical faction”. In 1967, it was Mr Sanyal, who practically led the famous peasants’ uprising at Naxalbari village in West Bengal, leading to the birth of “Naxalism” ~ which till date is the most prominent form of armed Communist struggle in India.
Mao Zedong had largely influenced Mr Sanyal’s political philosophy. In September 1967, he went to China via Kathmandu and met the Chinese Communist leader to brief him on the developments at Naxalbari. In the 59 years of his life as a revolutionary Communist, Mr Sanyal has spent 14 years behind bars. With an ever-deteriorating health, he now leads the CPI-ML as it general secretary. In an interview with BAPPADITYA PAUL, he speaks about the Naxalbari Movement’s relevance in the contest of farmers’ struggles. Excerpts:

Q: As per popular perception, the late Charu Majumdar was instrumental in initiating the Naxalbari Movement and you assisted him as a trusted comrade. How far is this true?
This is a wrong perception. Charu Majumdar was never directly attached to the Naxalbari Movement. When the Naxalbari uprising took place, Charuda was bedridden at his Siliguri home, with a severe heart ailment. I must refer to the difference of opinion we had over how to bring about a Communist revolution by “radical Communists”.
Charuda and his followers believed a revolution can be materialised by raising small groups of armed Communists and killing the individual “class” enemies. He also rubbished the idea of trade union practices. But a majority within the “radical Communists”, including myself, was opposed to such views.
While we, too, believed an armed struggle was inevitable for waging a revolution, we wanted to materialise it by involving the entire working class, especially the peasantry. We never subscribed to the idea of targeting individual “class” enemies and instead, were in favour of marching forward by forceful possession of farmlands owned by zamindars and big landlords.
When the differences with Charuda grew deeper, without any sign of either group budging on its stand, a way had to be worked out. It was agreed that Charuda would experiment with his ideas in the Chathat area (on the outskirts of Siliguri), while we would go ahead with ours, at Naxalbari. The ideas that proved successful would be adopted as an undisputed strategy of the “radical Communists”.
We began work in earnest at Naxalbari and the peasant uprising became a reality in 1967. But Charuda failed to ignite any such movement at Chathat and was summarily proved wrong.

Q: But outside Naxalbari, it was Majumdar’s “individual terrorism” line that was by and large adhered to. Those who spread the Naxalbari Movement elsewhere in the state, took the same to be the true spirit of Naxalbari?
That’s true. It happened primarily because of two reasons. First, as I was enmeshed in the struggle at Naxalbari and underground, I was detached from the outer world. Second, despite his ways being proved wrong, Charuda did not shun his strategy of “individual terrorism” and was always on the lookout to press it into action.
When the news of an armed peasant uprising at Naxalbari spread, “radical Communists” from across the state and from other parts of the country started showing their eagerness to join the fray. As Charuda was based in Siliguri then and was accessible, they looked to him for guidance. Charuda never missed the opportunity to preach his line of “individual terrorism”, labelling it as the spirit of the Naxalbari Movement.
The Press helped spread Charuda’s strategies, by referring to his comments in news coverage published on the Naxalbari uprising at the time. It was also because the Press could hardly access anyone else.

Q: Are you suggesting that in reality, Majumdar hardly played any role in the Naxalbari Movement?
Not exactly. Rather, what I am saying is, his role was limited to providing the philosophical base for the Naxalbari uprising, to a certain extent. But I would reiterate, Charuda was never directly involved in the Naxalbari Movement, nor was he aware of the day-to-day developments taking place in the field of struggle.

Q: Then why is it so that Naxalism, as perceived and practised in several parts of India now, seem to be adhering to the “individual terrorism” strategy, which Majumdar spoke of?
So far as perception is concerned, I think, I have already answered that question. With regard to the preference for “individual terrorism”, I would say, the “romanticism” of an armed revolution is luring “radical Communists” away. Particularly, with arms in hand, youths tend to believe they can bring about a revolution by using bullets alone. But the reality is, they simply can’t. Without a solid mass base, all efforts will be futile.

Q: What is the future of Maoist or Naxalite insurgency, active in many parts of India?
They will vanish with time, unless they strengthen their mass base immediately. I have been to an Andhra Pradesh village where Maoists claim dominance. I was astonished that even with arms in hand, the Maoists could hardly generate confidence among the peasantry to cultivate their own lands.
The peasantry there prefers approaching the police camp, to save themselves both from the Maoists and the forces of the landlords.

Q: Coming to West Bengal, what is your view on the latest industry-agriculture conflict? How do you take the ongoing anti-farmland acquisition movement at Singur and Nandigram? Do you find any similarity with the Naxalbari Movement?
See, there is hardly anyone who doesn’t want industrialisation in Bengal. But the question is for whose benefit it is. The industrialisation policy has been adopted and implemented by the Left Front government solely to benefit the imperialists and so, we oppose it. We say, set up need-based industries, keeping in mind the resources of a particular area and drive it for the general wellbeing of the common man. But the government is ruthlessly adamant on setting up industries by trampling farmlands.
The chief minister is harping on industrialisation and believes that everyone, barring himself, is wrong. But my question is, if Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee wants to rejuvenate the industrial scenario, why doesn’t he first reopen the nearly 56,000 closed industrial units in the state? Why is there no effort to save the tea gardens in the Dooars and the labourers from starvation?
Singur and Nandigram have unmasked the cruel facets of the CPI-M, which fancies itself to be a party of the underprivileged. The movement that has generated out of Singur and Nandigram, if explored properly, can bring about a sea change in West Bengal. So far as the form is concerned, I find a great deal of similarity between Nandigram and the Naxalbari Movement. The ongoing fight in Nandigram, in particular, has the potential to excel the Naxalbari Movement. The only thing needed is a strong, selfless, political leadership to sustain it.

Q: Why single out Nandigram, when the same fight is on at Singur?
Mamata Banerjee has ruined the movement in Singur. By embarking on a hunger-strike, she spoilt the ignition of the Singur farmers.
I am sure the farmers of Singur will never get back their lands and Miss Banerjee is solely responsible for this. Just take a look at the happenings in Singur, as long as the farmers were battling it out themselves, the state government could not erect a fence on the acquired land.
But soon after Miss Banerjee hijacked the movement and started her fast, the focus shifted to Esplanade and fencing work went on in Singur unabated. Whereas in Nandigram, farmers and locals relied on their own strength and even on the face of a persistent joint offensive by the police and CPI-M goons, they have so far managed to resist the imperialist invasion.

Q: But Miss Banerjee is the one considered capable of throwing out the Left Front?
In fact, the Jamait-ul-Ulema-e-Hind leader, Mr Siddiqulla Choudhury, is talking of a grand alliance with the Trinamul and others, to fight the CPI-M?
See, capturing power is one thing and fighting the imperialists is another. For the moment, even if a grand alliance were to pull down the Left Front government, would it make any difference to the poor, the framers? Rather, the alliance would continue in the wake of what the CPI-M-led government is doing now, albeit with a different set of propaganda. I say this because like the CPI-M, the Trinamul, the Jamait and the rest lack the political will to work for the common people. If I am wrong, then let them first make a public declaration what radical changes they would initiate for the benefit of the farmers, if elected to power.

Q: In this context, how do you rate the role of the Left Front allies?

I don’t find their role satisfactory either. If parties like the CPI, RSP and the Forward Bloc are really opposed to the CPI-M’s ruthless industrialisation agenda, why don’t they step out of the Front? I advised some of their leaders to come out of the government, at least that would have created pressure on the CPI-M. But despite continuous humiliation at the hands of the CPI-M, they seem only too eager to continue sharing power.

Q: If we were to leave out the Trinamul, the Jamait and the Left allies, who then would lead the movement forward?

United Naxalites alone can guide the movement on the right path. I urge all Naxalite factions to form a common platform and take the anti-farmland acquisition movement to every corner of the state. Forget about the elections, just make a collective effort to intensify and sustain the struggle generated out of Singur and Nandigram.

(The author is on the staff of The Statesman, Siliguri.

Maoists train guns on big businesses, SEZ sites

Gyan Varma
Friday, March 30, 2007 01:18 IST

NEW DELHI: Documents seized recently from Maoist guerrillas show that they had drawn up plans to target top business houses, which have opened shop in states in the so-called red corridor.

The hit list includes the House of Jindal in Andhra Pradesh, Tatas in Chhattisgarh, Essar and POSCO in Orissa, and Reliance and Mittal in Jharkhand. The Maoists also planned to hit new railway lines and amenities set up by state governments.

The documents say the new ventures by industrial houses give the guerrillas an ideal opportunity “to firm up our base and motivate people to act against business houses”.

“They decided to zero in on businesses during the 6th anniversary meet of the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army,” said an officer heading anti-Naxalite operations.

Maoists also planned to intensify activity in states that have given land to business houses under SEZ.

Thursday, March 29, 2007

Nandigram: Who did it?

What happened at Nandigram is outrageous, atrocious. Media being silent on this is issue should have been expected. But why is BJP and it's PR section not aggresive on this issue??

Consider these (as reported on

A CBI source told Outlook the evidence points to the "CPI(M) deploying its musclemen to kill, injure, maim and rape the people of Nandigram". And apparently, they were supported in their efforts by the state police.

Last week, the CBI (which was handed the case by the Calcutta HC) raided a brick kiln near a spot where the CPI(M) had set up camp in late January. The raid led to the arrest of 10 men who confessed to being activists of the CPI(M) and affiliates like the DYFI. They were found to be in possession of countrymade as well as sophisticated arms, police uniforms and the cellphone numbers of top CPI(M) leaders like health minister Surya Kanta Mishra (who oversees party affairs in East Midnapore district where Nandigram is located) and CPI(M) local MP Lakshman Seth.

An intensive search in Nandigram has yielded live and spent bullets of prohibited bores like .315 and .38—which are not issued to the police. The 10 arrested from the kiln have confessed they were sent by CPI(M) leaders to help launch an assault on activists of the Bhumi Uched Pratirodh Committee (committee to fight land ouster), who are spearheading the protests in Nandigram.

More @

Inspite of these damning reports, why is there no agressiveness from BJP?? Are its hands full just inside UP itself?? doesn't it have resources?? Only Mr. Balbir K Punj has taken the trouble to write something.
Add to this a piece written by TVR Shenoy on where he says, ".....Here, first, is what the chief minister of West Bengal had to say about the genesis of the problem in Nandigram. It was, he said bluntly, the handiwork of Muslim fundamentalists.

You must also know that Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee said this not once, but twice. Even more interestingly, on each occasion it was to American listeners. I understand that the first statement came at a meeting with an Indo-American business council. The second, more intriguingly, was to a high official, with links to the US intelligence establishment, who had called on the chief minister.

Can you imagine the furore had a BJP chief minister said anything of the kind? (Actually, can you imagine the howls of outrage had a BJP functionary at any level met an American official?) Yet Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee's remarks won little or no attention in a media titillated by Bob Woolmer's murder....."
More @

I don't know on whose side Mr.Shenoy talks but what he says needs some attention. Was WB CM Mr. Buddha trying to protect party cadres, MLAs and MPs. Was he forced to do that or did he take the decision by himself? Mamata di should be commended for this. The funny thing is Mr. Prakash Karat has written an article on rediff to defend CPIM. Does Mr. Karat think that all non-commies are dumb idiots and that nobody knows what these commies stand for??

11 hurt in Hindmotor union clash

Statesman News Service

KOLKATA, March 28: At least 11 persons including three women were injured in a clash between supporters of Citu and its rival union, Hindmotor Sangrami Yukta Mancha (HMSYM) at the Hindusthan Motors factory near Uttarpara in Hooghly this morning.
The clash ensued after supporters of (HMSYM), who are on an indefinite strike for past two weeks, confronted Citu supporters who tried to enter the plant around 8 a.m. today.
Supporters of both labour unions hurled stones on their rivals injuring eleven. The factory’s security office and the canteen was ransacked by a group of employees.
Senior police officers including additional superintendent of police, (headquarters) Mr Asit Paul and Mr Ajoy Thakur, SDPO, Serampore rushed to the spot with a large police contingent. Police allegedly resorted to lathicharge to disperse the mob. Both labour unions have lodged complaint against each other, but none has been arrested. A police picket has been posted at the site following the clash, police said. The clash, second in last two weeks, lasted for nearly 30 minutes.
Mr Dilip Yadav, a spokesman for HMSYM, said that the strike was called a fortnight ago after management suspended 15 employees for demanding payment of pending dearness allowance and salaries. The Citu leaders opposed the strike and urged employees to join work.
A Citu leader said that employees, willing to work, are not being allowed to enter the factory. They had made it clear that they support the HMSYM’s demand but were against the strike. The state government has already held three meetings with representatives of labour unions and management to address the dispute, but to no avail. Mr Kali Ghosh, secretary of the Citu state committee, alleged that “anti-left forces” including some Naxalite outfits have been trying to create disturbance in the plant. “By resorting to violent campaign, they (HMSYM leaders) are actually strengthening the management and and harming the true causes of the workers,”

Nalgonda : Two Naxals killed in gunbattle

Hyderabad, March 29. (PTI): Two naxalites were killed in a gunbattle with the police in Nalgonda district today.

A police party was combing areas near Noothankal when the exchange of fire occurred near Mukundapur village, the police said.

The police were combing the area on a tip-off that some extremists were forcibly collecting money from small-time building contractors.

Naxals loot electronic voting machine

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Raipur, March 29: Polling for the by-election to the Rajnandgaon Lok Sabha constituency in Chhattisgarh began today amid Naxalites looting an electronic voting machine from a polling booth in the wee hours.

State Election Commission sources said that Naxals, who called for a boycott of the poll, looted the EVM from Hathrel polling booth, about 140 km from here.

The Maoists, who yesterday gave a call to boycott the poll expressing "lack of confidence on the democratic system of the country", did not harm officials present at the booth, they said.

"However, a fresh EVM has been put on place immediately at the booth and voting started there with out any problem," they said.

The Rajnandgaon Lok Sabha seat has 1,362 polling booths out of which 233 have high presence of Naxalites.

The voting for the by-poll started at 7.30 a.m. and would continue till 4.30 p.m.

The election was necessitated after BJP MP Pradeep Gandhi lost his Lok Sabha membership after being caught in the cash-for-query scam last year.

Although 15 candidates are trying their luck in the election, the main contest is between Congress MLA Devwrat Singh and Leelaram Bhojwani of the ruling BJP. (Agencies)

Polling begins for Rajnandgaon by-election, Naxals loot EVM
Raipur, March 29 (PTI): Polling for the by-election to Rajnandgaon Lok Sabha constituency in Chhattisgarh began today amid naxals looting an electronic voting machine from a polling booth in the wee hours.

State Election Commission sources said that naxals, who called for a boycott of the poll, looted the EVM from Hathrel polling booth, about 140 km from here.

The Maoists, who yesterday gave a call to boycott the poll expressing "lack of confidence on the democratic system of the country", did not harm officials present at the booth, they said.

"However, a fresh EVM has been put on place immediately at the booth and voting started there with out any problem," they said.

The Rajnandgaon Lok Sabha seat has 1362 polling booths out of which 233 have high presence of naxalites.

The voting for the by-poll started at 7.30 am and would continue till 4.30 pm.

The election was necessitated after BJP MP Pradeep Gandhi lost his Lok Sabha membership after being caught in the cash-for-query scam last year.

Although 15 candidates are trying their luck in the election, the main contest is between Congress MLA Devwrat Singh and Leelaram Bhojwani of the ruling BJP.

CM asked to stay in naxal-affected Hebri

Thursday March 29 2007 12:07 IST

UDUPI: Udupi district unit of the Karnataka Rakshana Vedike has invited Chief Minister H D Kumaraswamy to make a stay in the Naxal-affected Hebri village.

In a press statement released during the protest dharna organised in front of the Hebri Police Station on Wednesday, the Vedike demanded the government appoint a Sub-Inspector for the Hebri Police station, the post of which is vacant since 3-4 months.

They also demanded the government see to it that the newly appointed SI would not leave the station for the reason that the area was naxal- affected.

The state working president of the Vedike, Praveen Kumar Shetty, its Udupi district head J Santhosh and others participated in the dharna

Naxal attacks a nightmarish experience for tribal families

Naxal attacks a nightmarish experience for tribal families

Staff Reporter

Camp houses 1,600 tribal families

Attacks lasted for four consecutive days
Police station targeted

— PHOTO: Ch. Vijaya Bhaskar

IN SELF-DEFENCE: Salwa Judum activists of the tribal settlement at Maraigudem in Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh undergo training in handling .303 rifles to fight naxalites.

MARAIGUDEM: The raids by the CPI (Maoist) on a police station and adjacent Salwa Judum base camp, housing about 1,600 tribal families, at Maraigudem in Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh from March 24 to 27 has caused considerable alarm.

The families were displaced in the wake of confrontation between the extremist group and the State-sponsored Salwa Judum campaign.

The raids were spearheaded by an assault group of 70 naxalites, accompanied by about 1,000 members of the party's village level "sanghams."

The naxalites, camping in nearby forests, launched attacks only after nightfall. They hurled petrol and soap bombs and resorted to heavy firing.

It was a nightmarish experience for the inmates of the tribal settlement, which lacks basic amenities. There is no power supply either at the camp or in the police station.

Dantewada Collector K.R. Pisda visited the camp on Tuesday and assured the inmates that all steps to protect their lives. They made a representation him, urging that the camp be shifted either to Gollapali or Konta, division headquarters. Mr. Pisda said their request would be looked into.

The first attack was launched in the early hours of March 24. The Salwa Judum activists responded quickly and retaliated with bows and arrows.

About 60 youths, designated as special police officers and armed with .303 rifles, thwarted the attack. The fierce fighting lasted for about three hours.

A Central Reserve Police Force unit camping in the village and some 30 personnel of the State civil and armed police joined the SPOs in beating back the Maoists. A CRPF officer said the naxalites suffered heavy casualties. Explosives, a .303 rifle and Rs. 27,000 were recovered.

The second night

Maoists laid siege to the village again the next night. There was sporadic firing all through the night, with the naxalites retreating to the forests at 5 a.m.

So was the case on the third and fourth day. No reinforcements could be sent to Maraigudem as the area lacked proper roads.

Some of the panic-stricken camp inmates have started migrating to safer places. The youth, shouldering the task of fortifying the camp, were engaged in the last few days in putting up wooden barricades to block the free passage of intruders.

The Hindu : Front Page : Naxal attacks a nightmarish experience for tribal families

Wednesday, March 28, 2007

CPI (M)-sponsored Talibanisation of Kerala

The writer is a retired IAS officer e-mail the writer at

Kerala has been generally known to be one of the safest states in India in terms of maintenance of law and order, public peace and tranquility and overall communal and social harmony.

This long established pattern and tradition is now undergoing a violent change on account of the lawless anti-national forces being let loose in a deliberate manner by the ruling CPI(M)- led government.

Ambulances with the bodies of victims of the 2003 massacre at Marad.

Crime Survey Statistics clearly indicate that Kerala is witnessing an unprecedented rise in the rates of crime and violence during the last three or four years. Anyone can see that there is a steadily rising upward trend in major categories of crime like rape, armed dacoity, robbery, aggravated assault, larceny, homicide, kidnapping, drug trafficking and contract murder.

What is most disturbing to note is that there is an increasing incidence of politically motivated murder, violent crime and terrorist bombing. Another important point to be noted is that the actual incidence of crime against women and children is higher than the number of recorded crimes reported to the police.

Further there is continued and extended political patronage of the CPI(M) and its allies in the government to black money launderers, illegal drug traffickers, flesh traders and explosive marketers. Drunken and often violent hooliganism has become a standard feature of night life in most towns and cities.

Dr Babu Suseelan rightly concludes: 'There is a standard black market in Kerala for illegal drugs, illicit liquor, explosives and counterfeit money. Criminal gangs and loan sharks prowl the streets and they settle disputes with violence, kidnapping and murder.'

What has brought about this massive, ugly, and ever-expanding phenomenon of increasing criminalisation? The ruthless process of uncontrolled forces let loose by the domain of globalisation has fundamentally altered and transformed the context in which criminal organisations, mostly from the Middle-East launder money into Kerala. Anyone can see that organised criminal gangs fully backed and financed by Pakistan ISI and smugglers from the Middle-East, illicit money launderers and Jihadis have multiplied their wealth and power in Kerala under the political hegemony and open patronage of the ruling CPI(M), Christian Congress, and the Muslim League.

Justice Thomas P Joseph, who inquired into the killings, on Marad beach.

What is even most disturbing is that more and more Hindu activists belonging to the RSS and the VHP are getting killed by CPI (M) activists almost everyday operating in continuous criminal collusion with Islamic fanatics belonging to different Muslim political outfits.

Murdering and beheading of several innocent Hindus and Hindu activists has become a regular feature in recent years. To cite a few specific instances in this context: On 3 May, 2003, in a coastal area in Calicut city called Marad, a large gang of criminal and fundamentalist Muslim fishermen hacked to death in a brutal manner eight Hindu fishermen.

Around 140 terrorist Muslims were arrested and are undergoing trial. The government of Kerala ordered a judicial enquiry by Thomas P Joseph, District and Sessions Judge in Calicut.

Much to the discomfiture of major political parties in the State, the Joseph Commission, which was set up to inquire into the circumstances that led to the second Marad killings in May 2003, has in a way, turned the spotlight on the facts and circumstances of the 2002 killings. The report emphasises what political Kerala already knew well but has tried to ignore: that the January 2002 incident was the result of ?political interests and other vested interests? that developed following a minor altercation between two men belonging to the different communities, which flared up into a major communal incident resulting in the death of five people, injury to several others and damage to several houses. It says that the delay in filing charge-sheets in that case was subsequently utilised by 'Muslim fundamentalists, terrorists and other forces' to capitalise on the grievance of relatives of three Muslims killed and to use it as a cause for vengeance against Hindus of Marad as a whole.

It also says that the inquiry by the State Crime Branch CID (CB-CID) into the May 2003 incident had failed to unravel the 'larger conspiracy' and the sources of the large cache of arms and ammunition unearthed subsequently in the area and of the sizable funds used in the planning and execution of the murders.

The commission's main recommendation, is a further inquiry, involving the Intelligence Bureau (IB), the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and the Directorate of Revenue Intelligence (DRI) into the 'larger conspiracy' involving fundamentalist and other forces, and into the source of the explosives and funds that the CB-CID 'failed or refused' to investigate - an act that the commission described as 'quite suspicious and disturbing.'

It has also indicated the urgent need to inquire into the involvement of Inter-State Muslim terrorist groups and the involvement of foreign terrorist agencies like the ISI.

The panel has concluded, among other things, that the incident was a sequel to the largely politically motivated murder of five persons in the village in January 2002 and a fallout of the then Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) government's 'unjustified delay' in the prosecution of those accused of the crime. The whole truth behind the revenge killings at the coastal village of Marad in Kozhikode district in May 2003, the worst communal incident in the recent history of Kerala, is unlikely to be revealed soon, if at all.

The commission report is also critical of the role of the civil administration, the State police and the Crime Branch. It says that despite clear evidence that there was a 'long-drawn conspiracy' and that the objective of the assailants was not merely to kill certain persons but 'to create bigger havoc and ignite large-scale riot', the CB-CID team stuck to its simple theory of revenge killings.

The question as to whether other forces were involved in the massacre 'was not even an issue for the Crime Branch team,' the report says.

The Joseph Commission has also strongly indicted the civil administration for being lethargic and failing to take timely, preventive and remedial action after the 2002 incident even though intelligence reports had indicated that there was the possibility of violence again at Marad and that stockpiling of weapons by both sides was taking place, mostly in Muslim-dominated areas.

The panel has also found evidence of detailed intelligence reports suggesting that efforts of government-initiated peace committees were not yielding the desired results, that fundamentalist elements were active in the area and that the people feared an imminent bout of communal revenge attacks.

It has drawn attention to the report of one of the officers of the State Special Branch that 'a person nicknamed 'FM' (Finance Minister) who came to Kozhikode from the Gulf countries on 2 May, 2003 was the source of the money behind the massacre', that two Cabinet Ministers of the State had 'unimaginable connections' with the 'FM'.

The CPI- (M) coalition government slept over this recommendation of the District and Sessions Judge for making a reference to the CBI and other Central agencies. I understand that at long last the government of Kerala accepted the recommendation of the District and Sessions Judge Thomas P Joseph and requested the government of India to direct the CBI to enquire into the matter. I now understand that all the Muslim terrorist groups in Kerala have brought political pressure on the UPA government to stall all further action in the matter. It is understood that under pressure from the UPA government, just in order to keep his job at any cost, the Director of the CBI has chosen to ignore the considered recommendation of the Joseph Commission and later duly seconded by the government of Kerala. What does this all mean? In these columns, I have observed several times that the functioning of the CBI during the last two decades has been professionally so disgraceful that it has indeed become a monument of national shame and dishonor. The common man in the street legitimately views the CBI as a Criminal Bureau of Instigation, Criminal Bureau of Intimidation, Criminal Bureau of Insinuation, Criminal Bureau of Infliction, and above all as a Criminal Bureau of Illegal Incarceration.

The whole world knows that it functions as an exclusively elitist executive arm of the Congress Party for settling all its political scores with its political enemies, known and unknown.

To summarise in the words of Dr Babu Suseelan once again: 'This increased criminal activity in Kerala is based on a continuing symbiotic relationship between criminal gangs, government agencies and politicians. Their ability to bribe and corrupt political leaders, law enforcement agencies and media persons is enormous. Crime syndicates operating in Kerala have established safe heavens in Dubai and Karachi where the governments are hostile to the Indian democratic tradition.'

The tragedy of Kerala today is that, there is always an ever present and ever-growing alliance between criminals, Jihadi terrorists and unscrupulous lawyers, accountants, bankers, income tax and customs officials. The police, the judiciary and other law enforcement agencies are either voluntarily inactive or unable to prevent crime and violence on account of want of political will and courage on the part of the Government. The whole of India and indeed the whole World now knows that all the front rank leaders of the Communist Party of India were secretly in league with the British Government in India during the days of Quit India Movement in 1942 and thereafter till the achievement of our Independence in 1947. Thus they were all guilty of high treason in British India. This subversive, treasonable and anti-nation tradition has not only been maintained but enriched by all the different 'brands' of Communist Parties with CPI(M) playing the lead role after Independence. Till 1961, these Parties looked towards Russia and China for treasonable guidance. After the fall of the Soviet Union in 1989, there has been a conceptual confusion in their ranks! This 'glorious' tradition of national sabotage and calculated national subversion continues with an unabated vigor in the CPI (M) controlled regimes in Kerala and West Bengal even today!

The ugly phenomenon of overweening all-pervasive corruption in Kerala involves the participation of CPI (M), Muslim League and (and other Muslim Parties), and Sonia Congress politicians at the highest levels including State Ministers, MLAs, the bureaucracy and the Police. The power structure of Kerala has been completely vitiated, corrupted and distorted by the unholy strangle-hold of organized criminal gangs on the daily operations of the Government.

During the last few years, the CPI (M) in Kerala, as a matter of deliberate political policy, has been having direct functional links with different categories of terrorist Muslim groups in Malapuram District and using them as weapons against the Hindu activists belonging to the BJP, RSS and VHP. Kodiyeri Balakrishnan, the State Home Minister is a known Apostle of anti-Hindu ideology and a sworn enemy of all things Hindu. It is well known that his son Bineesh Kodiyeri has been a leading activist in the DYFI and SFI. I informally understand from some of the senior most Police Officers of Kerala that several cases are pending against him. No one can dispute the fact that since he is all the time living with his father as a matter of natural filial right, he has the natural advantage of also enjoying the informal protection of the Government of Kerala and the informal and informed connivance of the State police at the highest level all the time. So much for the decent and impeccable political credentials of Kodiyeri Balakrishnan? indeed a great and noble pseudo-secular son of India in the true Indian Marxist tradition!

Now to come back to the specific functional links between the CPI(M) and other Islamic terrorist groups in Kerala. During the last several months, Tirur and Tanur in Malapuram District have been witnessing frequent clashes involving two groups ever since the killing of an RSS worker, allegedly by NDF men in Tirur. All the peace loving people of Kerala excepting the top most political thugs in the CPI(M) led Government of Kerala know that National Development Front (NDF) is an Islamic terrorist organisation. About ten days ago, some Islamic terrorist came in a luxurious car and savagely attacked a 47 year old man called Lakshmanan Karooparambil at Othukkungal in Malapuram District when he came out of his shop around 6.30 pm. Lakshmanan died without responding to medical treatment after he was rushed to the Kozhikode Medical College Hospital. The police suspect that the attack could have been a sequel to the clash between the RSS workers and the activists of Muslim Outfit, National Development Front (NDF). A dawn-to-dusk hartal called by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in Tanur to protest against the killing of its activist Lakshmanan in the area on March 17, 2007 was total and peaceful.

About a week ago, a National Development Front (NDF) worker called Hameed, son of Valliakanth Ahmed Koya of Karingallathani was attacked by a four member

gang at Chiramangalam near Parappanangudi. He was admitted to a hospital in Kozhikode where he died on account of serious injuries. This attack is believed to be in retaliation for the killing of the Rashtriya Swyamsevak Sangh (RSS) worker Lakshmanan Karooparambil at Oothukkungal in Malapuram District.

Some days ago terrorists / activists of the National Development Front (NDF) attacked the Kottakkal Police Station. To enact the usual and known political drama of the CPI(M) Government, Kodiyeri Balakrishnan, the controversial Home Minister of Kerala came out with a hypocritical political statement : 'The recent attack on the Kottakkal Police Station by National Development Front (NDF) activists was the only such incident after the 1972 naxalite attacks. The Government has therefore viewed it with utmost seriousness'.

The NDF is running an educational center called Green Valley Foundation near Manjeri in Malapuram District. The police picked up 73 students from this foundation recently following the killing of RSS worker Lakshmanan Karooparambil at Oothukkungal. As a balancing act of criminal pseudo-secular politics, Kodiyeri Balakrishnan abused his authority as the Home Minister by informally directing the police to arrest Shri Madavan, District office bearer of the RSS in Malappuram District and Haridass, Taluk Secretary of the RSS. I understand that this is a deliberate and wicked act of Marxist political vendetta against the RSS.

In order to politically atone the 'unauthorized and uncalled for ' (!!) entry of the state police into the sacred premises of the Green Valley Foundation, the instructions were issued from AKG Centre, the Headquarters of the CPI(M) in Trivandrum, to the District Police in Kozhikode to raid the Kozhikode Vibhag RSS Kariyalaya, 'Madavakripa'. The police raid was conducted about 10 days ago during the night at 12.30 a.m. After a thorough search, the police left the place frustrated and empty handed, much to the chagrin of the mercenary marauders of the CPI(M). On getting the news of this unprovoked nocturnal police raid, one thousand Swayamsevaks, under the leadership of Gopalan Kutty Master of the RSS and Hindu Aikiya Vedi State leader Maradu Suresh organized a protest march next morning to the police commissioner's office to protest against the Government's move to destroy communal harmony in the district. It is understood that the raid was conducted on the direction of Pinarayi Vijayan in order to appease the Islamic terrorists and Jehadis in Malapuram District. Pinarayi Vijayan is reported to be functioning in an authoritarian and high handed manner like Sanjay Gandhi during the dark days of emergency in 1975-76. It is an irony in Kerala's history that the known political criminal comrades of the CPI(M) have indeed become disposable puppets of Jehadis in Malapuram District, in their joint anxiety foist false criminal charges on the RSS, the backbone of Hindus not only in Kerala but in the whole of India.

It is a patent fact that the volunteers of the CPI(M) have been consistently trying to make physical attacks on the Swayamsevaks of the RSS during the last several years and killing many of them in an uncontrolled manner. Most of the Swayamsevaks of the RSS have been targeted and killed by the volunteers of CPI(M) in the last 12 months. To cite one instance of a ghastly incident in this context.

A school teacher by name K.T.Jayakrishnan was murdered by the CPI(M) men in the class room even while he was teaching his students both boys and girls at the Upper Primary School at Mokeri in Kannor District (14 Convicted). Today, the Muslim League is losing its political hold on the Muslims of Kerala. The CPI(M) is trying to occupy the resultant political space and in order to enlarge the sphere of its political influence in Malapuram District, it is acting in league with the Muslim terrorist groups like the NDF to put down the RSS in the area. NDF is now dictating its terms to the CPI(M). Sethumadavan, Kshetra Pracharak of Kerala and Tamil Nadu told me 'it is a criminal move by CPI(M) Government to purposefully destroy the communal harmony in the district in order to please a few Jihadi elements who want to destroy peace in the district.'

Countering Naxal terrorism : Government Strategies

Ultra left terrorists want to throw out Leftist Democratic Government

Below is the letter that has been circulated by Indian Maoists soon after Nandigram event , in which they whish to turn every SEZ into a similar "Batttle Zone". People who write such letters and press releases don't reside in Jungles along with foot soldiers of their comrades , but rather in plush five star villas . And their bread and butter comes by churning reports and press reports /releases , in many cases as paid agents of foreign intelligence. Who are the ultimate victims ? Illitrate often semi educated comrades wo are fighting for a dream , a chasing chemera and common civilians which the data supports the assertion . NOTE : We fully agree that there are social and economic problems in the country , but taking arms and engaging our security forces in armed combat is not a solution .

Communist Party of India (Maoist)
Central Committee
March 15, 2007

Let us wage a united militant struggle to throw out the Social-Fascist Government in West Bengal led by Bengal Dyer Buddhadeb!

Let us turn every SEZ into a Battle Zone like Nandigram!!

The massacre of at least 16 peasants (which could actually be higher than 50) and causing injuries to over a hundred people in Nandigram by Buddhadeb's Hitlerite police force-CPI(M)'s social-fascist armed goons on March 14 brings into one's mind the ghastly massacre in Jallianwalabagh by the bloodthirsty general Dyer during the British colonial rule. Social-Fascist Buddhadeb has taken the mantle of butcher Dyer by sending over 5000-strong police force and hundreds of armed goons of his Party to pounce upon the peaceful protestors in the proposed SEZ of Nandigram in East Midnapore in order to pave the way for transforming West Bengal into a safe haven for the imperialist MNCs, big Corporate houses, and unscrupulous land mafia. The fleeing people, including women, were chased and killed by these neo-fascist armed gangsters in a way similar to the acts carried out by Hindu chauvinist gangs in Gujarat.

'Operation Bloodbath' at Nandigram is a meticulously planned conspiracy hatched by Buddhadeb's CPI(M) and Sonia's UPA government at the Centre in consultation with the big industrial sharks and their imperialist mentors. The worst part of this heart-chilling episode is that Buddhadeb and Prakash Karat had repeatedly assured the people that the proposed SEZ in Nandigram would be shelved and shifted elsewhere if the people did not want it. They had assured that notification for the acquisition of 14,000 acres of land was being withdrawn. Now it has become clear that these double-dealers, like Goebbels, had only used this as a ruse to buy time, and had never any intention to shift the SEZ. Nine peasants were killed in the past few weeks prior to the March 14 massacre In order to serve the MNCs and the industrial houses the so-called Left Front government had decided to seize the multi-crop land of the peasants and build SEZs over the grave-yards of the protesting people. The blood of women and children that flowed in the fields of Nandigram thoroughly exposes the "Left" rhetoric and round-the-clock demagogy by political brokers like Sitaram Yechuri, Brinda Karat, Raghavulu and so on. They organize protests for building their vote bank where they are in opposition but kill the protesting people where they are in power.

Nandigram has proved even to a layman that the rhetoric of these social-fascists is no different from that of National Socialism of Adolf Hitler. Yechuri's shameless defence of the gory massacre by placing the blame for the violence on the Trinamool and the Maoists is an eye-opener to all those who still believe in the socialist rhetoric of these traitors and goons in the guise of so-called Left. This social-fascist and the most trusted political broker for the imperialists and the Indian Big Business claimed that his "Left" Front government in West Bengal is trying to resolve the issue politically but "outsiders" such as Maoists were trying to incite the people of Nandigram and that the helpless policemen had to fire in self-defence. This hypocrite cannot fool the people by trying to hush up the stark fact that his Party goons and thousands of policemen were sent deliberately to massacre the peaceful protesters, that all those murdered through this state-sponsored terrorism were local peasants including several women, and that this most despicable and bizarre act was carried out to resolve a political movement through the most brutal means. This Indian offspring of Goebbels cannot fool the people through such lies and falsehood to justify the unprovoked firing on the people. The bloodbath of March 14 reveals in naked colours the cruelty and inhumanity of the so-called reforms with a human face peddled by Yechuris, Karats and the like and their fake opposition to the neoliberal policies of privatization-liberalisation-globalisation. No wonder, Ambanis, Tatas, Mittals, Essar Ruias and the imperialist MNCs and the World Bank are itching to bring these social-fascists to power at the Centre as they have proved themselves to be the most loyal servants and their social base can serve to enact social-fascism to suppress people's struggles.

Today the reactionary ruling classes of the country are bent upon transforming vast tracts of fertile agricultural land into neo-colonial enclaves even if it means enacting blood-baths all over the country. Thousands of crores of rupees have already flown from the big business and imperialist MNCs into the coffers of the Congress, CPI(M) and other political parties. It is clear that the battle-lines are drawn for an uncompromising war between the haves and have-nots, between those who want to turn our mother-land into a haven for the international capital, the Indian big business and the handful of filthy rich on the one hand and the vast majority of the destitute, poverty-stricken masses, particularly the peasantry, on the other. There is no middle ground: either one is with the vast masses or with the filthy rich. 237 SEZs have already been approved and lakhs of acres of fertile agricultural land are being forcibly acquired by the various state and central governments. In Orissa, Jharkhand, Chattisgrah, AP, Maharashtra, Haryana, and several other states, lakhs of people are rendered homeless due to anti-people projects.

The CPI(Maoist) calls upon the oppressed masses, particularly the peasantry, to transform every SEZ into a battle-zone, to create Kalinga Nagars and Nandigrams everywhere, and to kick out the real outsiders—the rapacious MNCs, comprador big business houses, their dalals and the land mafia—who are snatching away their lands and all means of livelihood and colonizing the country. The CC, CPI(Maoist), vows to extend all support to the struggling masses, to intensify the struggle against all SEZs, and to avenge the massacre in Nandigram. The masses have the right to rebel against injustice, and how ever much Yechuris and Buddhadebs yelp about Maoist incitement, we openly declare to the world that we shall unite the vast masses and lead, participate and extend all support to the people and organizations of our country to unite and fight the imperialist onslaught through the SEZs that is being carried out through their Indian dalals in the Congress, BJP, CPI(M), Samajwadi Party, TDP, DMK, AIDMK and other political parties who are selling away our motherland. CPI(Maoist) calls upon the people of West Bengal to make the state bandh on March 16 a big success and continue the heroic struggle until the SEZs are withdrawn.

Central Committee,

AP would thwart Moists attempts : Jana Reddy

Updated: 03-28-2007

Hyderabad : Home minister K. Jana Reddy on Tuesday said that the Andhra Pradesh police would thwart any attempts of Maoists to attack jails and free their comrades.

The Special Intelligence Branch that deals with intelligence on Maoists had put out an alert that the extremists may resort to mass attacks in areas on the borders of Chhattisgarh and Orissa.

Reacting to the report, Mr Reddy said, "Not only jails, Maoists can strike at any place. We will give a fitting reply." Police had increased security at jails, particularly in Maoist-affected regions following mass attacks in Dantewada in Chhattisgarh last year. Mr Reddy told mediapersons after the passing out parade of jail warders, "We too have
information that Maoists are discussing attacks. We are concentrating on security at the borders."

He added, "We will be using intelligence alerts properly and there is no need to worry." The State has 123 sub-jails of which three have been closed due to lack of security. There are nine district jails and seven central prisons. After the attack on Jehanabad jail in Bihar, the State government shifted most of the Maoist prisoners to high security
central prisons.

A senior police official on condition of anonymity said, "Sub-jails are most vulnerable, particularly those in border districts like Khammam, Visakhapatnam, Vizianagaram and Srikakulam. But there are no Maoists in the sub-jails. In district jails, there are only Maoists facing trial."

The Warangal central prison could be the most potential target as most Maoist leaders are lodged there, the official said. But "attacking central prisons is a difficult task. There is lot of difference between jails in Bihar and Chhattisgarh and our jails. We have more security. But we can’t rule out an attack," the official said. The State police is
studying the various jail attacks in Bihar, Orissa and Chhattisgarh.

"On November 13, 2005, about 1,000 Maoists and their supporters attacked Jehanabad jail in Bihar and released a large number of Naxal prisoners. On March 24 last year, at least 400 persons attacked a sub-jail in R. Udayagiri in Orissa and freed 40 prisoners. On April 15 they attacked the Narayanpur sub-jail in the Bastar region of Chhattisgarh and exploded mines. We have learnt lessons from them. In Andhra Pradesh it will
not be easy," said a jail official.

"We are filling up vacant posts in the jails department. Jammers will be set up in jails to block mobile phone usage," he said. "The government was examining the file regarding grant of remission to eligible prisoners," he added. At least 253 warders passed out of their training on Tuesday. Director general of police M.A. Basith and prisons department Chief Jayachandra took part in the parade.

Naxals gearing up for new offensive

Wednesday, March 28, 2007 01:39:38 pm

The Naxals are gearing up for a new offensive - one aimed at spreading their influence over a wider area.

Documents recovered by paramilitary forces during operations in Chhattisgarh reveal the details of the Naxal strategy. The documents are part of the literature that is circulated among the Naxal cadres.

The document outlines moves by Naxals to target mega projects being planned in the Left wing extremist hit areas. These projects include the proposed Tata Steel plant in Chhattisgarh, the Jindal Steel plant in Orissa and Mittal Steel plant in Jharkhand.

Naxals strategy is now aimed at tapping the resentment among farmers against land acquisition that would be needed for mega projects and special economic zones (SEZs).

The Naxals are trying to spread their influence by offering help and arms to those facing eviction from their lands - something that the CBI report on the firing in Nandigram points at.

Tuesday, March 27, 2007

Tribals in crossfire as India's Maoist war spreads

By Alistair Scrutton and S. Radha Kumar
Tuesday, March 27, 2007; 8:00 PM

MANGAPET, India (Reuters) - Wailing parents scooped up the bones of loved ones as eight cremated corpses smoldered by the road, the latest victims of a Maoist rebel war that has put tens of thousands of tribal people in the crossfire.

"Where were the police? They were drunk, hiding with their weapons," shouted Gopal Ran Udhe, who lost his son in a Maoist attack on a nearby police post that killed 55 police and tribal militia members in one of India's worst rebel attacks in decades.

The ashes spread out over the grass were ankle deep. Tribal people burned incense and picked a few remaining bones to throw to the river in a traditional Hindu ritual.

Villagers recounted how tribesmen, surrounded by up to 500 rebels, quickly ran out of bullets for their 80-year-old rifles as Maoists bombarded the base with grenades and homemade bombs made from lunch boxes.

The majority of victims were government-hired tribal militia, "Special Police Officers," who critics say are an example of how ill-equipped tribal people are increasingly put in the front line by authorities desperately looking for ways to beat the rebels.

Thousands of tribal people in this central state of Chhattisgarh have seen ancestral lands turned into a war zone of landmines, ambushes and refugee camps as a 40-year-old Maoist insurgency in India gathers momentum.

The region is now a stronghold of up to 4,000 well-armed Maoists, police say, who freely roam the forests of southern Chhattisgarh in what locals call the "red zone."

Known as Naxalites, the rebels operate in nearly half of India's states.

"The Naxalites take away our food. The police come and harass us," said Madvi Kosa, a villager whose son was one of the 55 killed in the post.

"We want to be neutral but being neutral is becoming impossible," he said in his hut near the burnt-out base.

While many tribal people at first gave support to Maoists, most have turned against rebels who they say killed community leaders, suppressed their religion and stole food.

Over the last two years, an anti-Maoist movement among tribal people known as "Salwa Judum" (Campaign for Peace) has surfaced, and some 50,000 villagers have been pushed into refugee camps in a controversial plan to defend them.

But with little sign of the Salwa Judum making inroads against the rebels, criticism has grown that the movement was forced on villagers by a government unable to defend its own people.

The state is one of the most thinly policed in India. Many police keep to their bases, afraid of landmines and ambushes.

Surrounded by wire fences, the refugee camps have forced villagers off their lands and emptied villages.

But hundreds of tribals have still been killed in the last two years.

"For the first few months Salwa Judum was home-grown, and welcomed," said Lalit Surjan, chief editor of a group of newspapers in Chhattisgarh.

"It has since been taken over by the government and grown beyond its means. We have been asking them to call off Salwa Judum because the state just can't protect them."


Some villagers say they feel safer in camps, but many inhabitants complain formerly self-sufficient villagers have been left begging for food and work.

Many village women make a meager living working as bricklayers or selling firewood to markets.

"We'd prefer to go back. But we don't have much choice. If we go back they will kill us," said Janaki Devi, who lives in one of the camps.

Worried modern weapons could fall into Maoist hands, authorities have so far refused to give the militia new rifles. And they often get no more than a dozen bullets each for the old ones.

Mahendra Karma, the founder and head of Salwa Judum and a lawmaker for the Congress party, claimed the Maoists would "be eliminated in a few months."

Some tribal people have been willing to join the militia for what is a relatively good wage of 1,500 rupees ($33) a month, often acting as guides.

Security officials say Salwa Judum and the militias are crucial.

"They are another weapon --- of intelligence and information," said Brigadier B.K. Ponwar, a senior counter-terrorism official.

But the strategy failed at the police post, where there was no warning of the attack. Six militia members disappeared after the attack and police suspect they were Maoist spies.

"The Salwa Judum has not brought any peace," said Narayan Mandvi, a community leader at Ambeli, the village where the peace movement was founded in 2005. Mandvi has refused to move to a refugee camp.

Despite sparking off Salwa Judum, the village still has no paved road. Maoists often visit and threaten to kill uncooperative villagers.

Mandvi spoke a few miles from the destroyed police post, which has become a symbol of a lack of security in the region.

"The Maoists have left their calling cards for the tribals," said one police investigator, who asked to remain anonymous.

"Come back to the villages or face the same fate as your protectors."

POLNET : Satellite based police telecommunication system

By Nagesh Bhushan

According to Home ministry a satellite based police telecommunication system known as POLNET is presently under implementation through Directorate of Coordination Police Wireless (DCPW), New Delhi. Installation of Satellite portion of POLNET project has been completed at all the State Headquarters/District Headquarters (except a few new districts) and is fully functional. The installation of POLNET Multi Access Radio Telephone (MART) Radio Subscriber Units (RSUs) has been completed at all the feasible sites of 15 States/Union Territories and installation work on the feasible locations is in progress in 14 States. The sites in Lakshadweep are not feasible for installation of MART RSUs.

In Union Territory of Andaman and Nicobar Islands and States of Bihar & Orissa, the installation of Multi Access Radio Telephone Radio Subscriber Units has not yet started due to geographical conditions, non- completion of sites, finalisation of tender for equipment. Also States of Andhra Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh had initially shown reluctance for installation of the MART equipment of the terrestrial links but have now indicated their willingness for installation of the MART equipment.

The POLNET Project is funded by Government of India under the Scheme of Modernisation of State Police Forces. Out of the total cost of Rs.99.06 crores to implement the POLNET Project, an expenditure of Rs.91.46 crores has been incurred. The total share of the expenditure till date in respect of States/Union Territories and Central Para Military Forces is Rs. 914662045/-.

2006 Naxal Violence

Rise of the Red Corridor III: Who's to blame?

Tuesday, March 27, 2007 12:01:54 pm

Living in abject poverty and in total ignorance of their rights the tribals of Chhattisgarh and neighbouring areas are orphaned by the government and used by the red brigade. These jungles have become prime hunting grounds for the naxals with propaganda machinery that rivals the best, and tribals like Reshma make easy targets.

Says Reshma, a surrendered naxalite: "They came to my village and showed us plays and dramas. They said 'Come with us and we will take care of you as our children. We will watch over you as parents do.'"

Reshma — a naxal for 13 years before she surrendered is just one of the hundreds who join the naxals out of sheer poverty. Her new job at the local hospital is a far cry from her life as an outlaw. She's happy now, but sad that it took more than a decade for her to leave.

"I wonder why I joined them. Had I stayed in the village I would have been married, I would have children by now. My life is ruined," says Reshma.

For many like her, there is little that comes from the government. On paper, the Maharashtra government has a surrender policy, promising financial incentive to those who lay down their arms. But on investigating, we found that the political masters have faltered... yet again.

‘Surrender propgramme’ petering out?

Says Shirish Jain, SP of Gadchiroli district in Chattisgarh, "It has been very successful, there have been 130 surrenders since the policy was declared but unfortunately after the first installment of 6 months, where about 67 of the surrenders were given all the economic incentives and payments, the next two installments - one of 6 months and the current one which is for one year - somehow we have not received any funds at all, which is a big problem.”

Jain adds that as a result of the delay in payment, the district police have to deal with the problem of what to do with the surrenders and how to protect them. “We in fact lost one surrender last month - he was killed by Naxals since we were not able to relocate him anywhere. And apart from that the Naxals have started their propaganda that the surrender policy is a hoax that the government is trying to fool them and not actually doing anything for rehabilitation or paying people. That is something which will go against us; There are several surrenders who are on the verge of surrendering, but now they are kind of fence sitting. They may not come across if this promised money does not come through soon,” said Jain.

Hope floats, thanks to individual efforts

Dr Amte spreads the good work among animals and humans alike
Where the government machinery is missing - people like Dr Prakash Amte appear. The Lok Biradari Prakalp is the perfect example of community living. Run by Dr Amte, it manages a hospital which treats 35,000 tribals every year free of cost, houses 600 tribal children who live and study here and also, surprisingly, runs an orphanage for animals.

"There is a lot more awareness of education now. We teach young tribal girls and boys, and today 6 of them have become doctors. Where there was nothing, they have become doctors and lawyers. almost 150 have become teachers," says Amte. But even for the doctor, the funding from the government comes in fits and starts.

The question is simple: how many more Reshmas will it take for the government to sit up and take notice. How many more Reshmas are there lurking in India's forests ready to raise the red flag - not because they believe in it but simply because they don't have a choice. Is the administration responsible for creating this enemy within?

No let up in Naxal activity in Dharmapuri

Tuesday March 27 2007 01:19 IST
DHARMAPURI: Even as Dharmapuri takes pride in being the first bifurcated district in Tamil Nadu- done so on October 2, 1965 from Salem- the fact is that it still remains a backward district and a hotbed of Naxalism.

The bifurcation of the district into Krishnagiri on February 9, 2004, did in no way improve things.

Four decades after bifurcation, the district has not seen much progress in its socio-economic status. Though the Central Government has been implementing various schemes for other parts of the State to alleviate poverty, Dharmapuri district was not given the adequate focus.

Even in the recent selection of the Central Government to implement the National Rural Employment Guarantee Programme- exclusively for drought-hit and backward districts in the country- Dharmapuri did not find a place.

According to Dharmapuri MP Dr R Senthil, when the Planning Commission selected 200 most backward districts in the country for the National Rural Employment Guarantee Programme (NREGP), Dharmapuri was not included.

It is found that this happened due to the wrong statistics provided by the district administration.

Even after it was properly quoted and a plea submitted to the government through the State Planning Board in this regard, nothing turned fruitful, he said.

Dharmapuri was not included even in the second list of districts such as Tanjore, Nagapattinam and Sivaganga, where the NREGP has been implemented.

"I have planned to meet the Prime Minister in person in this regard with the advice of PMK leader Dr S Ramadoss," Senthil said.

According to CPI State assistant secretary Deivaperinban, migration of people to other States in search of jobs and opportunities had not been controlled by the district administration even after the implementation of employment generation programmes.

According to a survey, more than 2 lakh people have migrated from Dharmapuri and Krishnagiri districts to neighbouring States such as Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh for coolie and construction works.

The CPI committee has also been urging the government to include Dharmapuri and Krishnagiri districts in the NREGP, failing which the district committee would stage protests, he said.

According to election department sources, out of the 9.75 lakh voters in Dharmapuri district, 37,000 names were deleted from the electoral roll for not having any address proof and more than 1.20 lakh voters asked to submit their residence proof with passport-size photos for the EPIC.

The turn-out was very low and it was reported that the missed voters migrated for employment. Most of the bonded labourers, rescued from Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh quarries, were from Dharmapuri.

Collector Pankaj Kumar Bansal said an accurate picture of the status of Dharmapuri district had been sent to the government. The State Government was also taking initiative to include Dharmapuri in the NREGP in future, he added.

The unemployed youths were also being lured by the Naxals in rural areas such as Pennagaram, Palacode, Pappireddiaptti, Harur and Dharmapuri taluks in the district, the police said.

Welcome to

Monday, March 26, 2007

Naxal Terror spectre haunts R Udayagiri, one year after

Statesman News Service

PARALAKHEMUNDI, March 26: An year ago, the entire state had woken up to the reverberating gun fire of Naxalites and policemen attacking each other in R Udayagiri and the shock waves this incident sent through out the entire state has yet to settle down.

It was one of the audacious Naxalite operations and the first in terms of the ultras abducting two policemen in Orissa. The incident took place on 24 March, 2006 and the abducted duo were released after ten days ~ that too ~ to the media as the malcontents feared that anything short of such a release was dangerous because the two may be killed by the state to besmirch the image of Naxalites. After this, there has been several Naxalite attacks and subsequent killings, creating major headache for the police and the state government. But there has been no such incident where the entire police force and the government have been challenged by hard core radicals led by the CPI (Maoist) commanders who taunted the security forces by kidnapping the IIC of the R Udayagiri police station and the superintendent of the sub jail and kept them hostages for ten days in the deep jungles.

Though the episode ended happily with the release of the policeman Mr Ranjan Kumar Mallick and the jail superintendent Mr Rabindra Kumar Setty, the entire drama is still a mystery and nobody has managed to unravel as to why and under what conditions were the two released .

People of R Udayagiri vividly recalled the events of last March. It was around 5.15 am, more than 250 armed radicals stormed the R Udayagiri police station destroying all communication sets. When the OSAP camp adjoining the police station was also attacked simultaneously there was resistance form the camp. By then the radicals had managed to take to the IIC, Mr Mallick, as hostage and more than 15 policeman inside the police station were at their mercy. Seeing the inspector as the hostage the OSAP, jawans were forced to lay down their arms and large amount of weapons inside this camp were looted. The radicals during the course of this operation also destroyed all the documents and furniture in the tehsildar office and the sub-treasury which also neighbours the police station.

In a pre-planned manner, a group of armed radicals reached the sub-jail and forced the staff to hand over the keys of the jail and released 44 prisoners housed in the jail. The entire operation went on unhindered, unopposed and unimpeded with the entire population of R Udayagiri watching the drama unfolding before them until 8.15 am when the last of the gun fire stopped .

The collector of Gajapati, Mr Binod Behari Mohanty, who was camping overnight at the Revenue IB of R Udayagiri, escaped as he managed to slip away and himself in the house of a peon. Today, an year after, the police are not taking any chance. Patrolling has been intensified in the entire district and in the R Udayagiri and Nuagada blocks, heavy combing operation is on. The police in the past one year have managed to arrest around 35 persons, including women on charges of participating in the R Udayagiri carnage, but dreaded commander Sabhya Sachi Panda is still at large.
The R Udayagiri block is now protected by OSAP, SOG and CRPF which eliminate any chance of a repeat action. The fear psychology over the incident still persists, but as long as the police forces are there, people feel a bit safe and at least better than last March .

On the development front, nothing much has been done except for promises. There has been police harassment in the name of combing, but the release of the hostages unharmed was the only bright spot of the ten day ordeal. Another resident Anantaram Majhi explaining his ideas said: “The radicals took advantage of the people’s disenchantment with rampant corruption prevalent in the revenue office, tehsildar office, treasury office etc in this block. There were a number of supporters in the mass attack who were victims of bribery and financial inducement.
A talk with the locals indicate that though the security infrastructure has improved, corruption continues. The former IIC Ranjan Mallick, who is now transferred to Cuttack ,talked to this paper over phone and said “I extend my heartfelt thanks to all concerned for whom I am a free man now.”

No let up in Naxal activity in Dharmapuri

Tuesday March 27 2007 01:19 IST

DHARMAPURI: Even as Dharmapuri takes pride in being the first bifurcated district in Tamil Nadu- done so on October 2, 1965 from Salem- the fact is that it still remains a backward district and a hotbed of Naxalism.

The bifurcation of the district into Krishnagiri on February 9, 2004, did in no way improve things.

Four decades after bifurcation, the district has not seen much progress in its socio-economic status. Though the Central Government has been implementing various schemes for other parts of the State to alleviate poverty, Dharmapuri district was not given the adequate focus.

Even in the recent selection of the Central Government to implement the National Rural Employment Guarantee Programme- exclusively for drought-hit and backward districts in the country- Dharmapuri did not find a place.

According to Dharmapuri MP Dr R Senthil, when the Planning Commission selected 200 most backward districts in the country for the National Rural Employment Guarantee Programme (NREGP), Dharmapuri was not included.

It is found that this happened due to the wrong statistics provided by the district administration.

Even after it was properly quoted and a plea submitted to the government through the State Planning Board in this regard, nothing turned fruitful, he said.

Dharmapuri was not included even in the second list of districts such as Tanjore, Nagapattinam and Sivaganga, where the NREGP has been implemented.

"I have planned to meet the Prime Minister in person in this regard with the advice of PMK leader Dr S Ramadoss," Senthil said.

According to CPI State assistant secretary Deivaperinban, migration of people to other States in search of jobs and opportunities had not been controlled by the district administration even after the implementation of employment generation programmes.

According to a survey, more than 2 lakh people have migrated from Dharmapuri and Krishnagiri districts to neighbouring States such as Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh for coolie and construction works.

The CPI committee has also been urging the government to include Dharmapuri and Krishnagiri districts in the NREGP, failing which the district committee would stage protests, he said.

According to election department sources, out of the 9.75 lakh voters in Dharmapuri district, 37,000 names were deleted from the electoral roll for not having any address proof and more than 1.20 lakh voters asked to submit their residence proof with passport-size photos for the EPIC.

The turn-out was very low and it was reported that the missed voters migrated for employment. Most of the bonded labourers, rescued from Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh quarries, were from Dharmapuri.

Collector Pankaj Kumar Bansal said an accurate picture of the status of Dharmapuri district had been sent to the government. The State Government was also taking initiative to include Dharmapuri in the NREGP in future, he added.

The unemployed youths were also being lured by the Naxals in rural areas such as Pennagaram, Palacode, Pappireddiaptti, Harur and Dharmapuri taluks in the district, the police said.

SEZ, lies and massacres

Author: P R Ramesh

Publication: The Economic Times

Date: March 21, 2007

http://economictime s.indiatimes. com/Opinion/ Columnists/ P_R_Ramesh/ SEZ_lies_ and_massacres/ articleshow/ 1785595.cms

Lies often acquire a life of their own and it takes just one incident
for the truth to come out. The CPI(M) is realising this to its utter
discomfort. The Nandigram massacre stripped the CPI(M) of its carefully
cultivated facade of hypocrisy and sanctimoniousness that used to mask
its Stalinist impulses and its spurious faith in democracy.

Those who refused to buy the dream of the CPI(M)-ordained "honey-flowing
Nandigram" were brutally murdered by the party militia. Leaders
belonging to the Congress and the BJP, who visited ground zero, have
come out with reports about what they saw and experienced at Nandigram.
In this East Midnapore village, dozens of men, women and children were
wantonly killed. And hundreds of children were orphaned.

The men in Delhi's AKG Centre, who routinely cite visuals from Al
Jazeera satellite to shed copious tears about human rights violations
elsewhere, however, have no remorse. Prakash Karat and his loose-lipped
deputy Sitaram Yechury want us to believe that only they know the truth
about Nandigram and that is what they have been blabbing at press
conferences and TV appearances these past few days.

But to the CPI(M)'s dismay, party's fellow travellers, who have been
routinely feted by party-controlled state governments and cultural
outfits with various awards, are not willing to swallow the
Karat-Yechury duo's weasel rationalisation whole. They are turning their
back on the party and have joined mainstream protests against the
Nandigram carnage. And they concede that a bloody repressive war is
raging in West Bengal. The rebellion of the fellow travellers came as a
shock for the CPI(M) as they have so far been displaying allegiance to
ideological groupthink; censoring well-informed opinions and sharing the
party's hatred for those who challenge politically correct sacred cows.

This prompted the CPI(M) leadership to come out with an explanation to
defend the police-party militia action - the Maoists have taken over
Nandigram and the "liberated" zone had to be "retrieved". Really? Even
if one believes them, the explanation is not just idiotic entertainment.
Why is this small piece of land - Nandigram - so important for a party
that believes in the withering away of the State? When did they stop
believing that Nation State is an artificial construct conceived and
created by the bourgeoisie to oppress the working class?

The hypocrisy becomes all the more stark when compared with their
standard reflex on Kashmir. For every patriotic Indian, it is an
integral part of India, but for the Marxists, it is nothing more than a
piece of land. We often hear them attacking the government for using
force to contain the subversives. And they never spare an opportunity to
brand decorated generals and political leaders who speak about Kashmir
as part of India as jingoistic.

The Nandigram episode also saw the Left reluctantly breaking another
myth about the Jamaat-e-Ulema- Hind. The outfit, anyone with minimum
understanding of communalism in India would acknowledge, stands for
militant Islam. Till the other day, they were paraded, lionised and
feted as great secularlists by the Leftists. But with its ranks now
swelled, thanks to infiltration from across the border and refusing to
toe the party commissar's line, the JUM is dismissed as communalist.

The CPI(M) is right: they are communalists. But questions are bound to
be raised about the CPI(M)'s consistency. When the JUM men were marching
down Delhi streets, offering jehadis to kill the Danish cartoonist who
caricatured the Prophet, there was not even a whimper of a protest.

Lies and deception are part of the CPI(M) armoury. Their belief in
democracy is a function of the same expediency which forces the Ulema to
swear by secularism. These are tactical compromises they put up with
till the time they have gained the force to take over the state

But for Nandigram, the rest of the country could not have come to know
about the thuggery of the CPI(M) which is passed off as class
mobilisation. The carnage has exposed the real class character of the
CPI(M). The world outside their pockets of influence in West Bengal,
Kerala and Tripura now recognise them as a crowd that smothers dissent
and as intolerant bigots who have no faith in democracy.

But the irony is that Nandigram carnage happened at a time when the
going was good for the CPI(M). For the past three years, they have been
controlling the levers of power at the Centre; the party's policy
obstructionists are having a free run; its cronies occupy high positions
in Indian universities; and their whisper campaign have the power to
strip opponents in politics and the media of credibility.

As it happened, the Nandigram blunder just gave away the whole game. It
is time for those who have been backing their projects to call the
bluff. The opportunity must be grabbed. Don't let it pass

CHINA: Is private property safe under 'socialism'?

The annual session of China's legislature, the National People's Congress, has concluded and will be remembered chiefly for its passage of a controversial Property Law extending legal protection to the growing number of urban middle class property owners.

Graham Hutchings, editor of the Oxford Analytica Daily Brief, discusses its significance in conversation with Dr Steve Tsang, fellow of St Antony's College, Oxford, and region head at Oxford Analytica.

Oxford Analytica - Video Briefing

NZ's Leading Maoists Profiled

New Zeal: NZ's Leading Maoists Profiled

Indian Maoists warn of more strikes after killing 55

26 Mar 2007 10:42:17 GMT
Source: Reuters
HYDERABAD, India, March 26 (Reuters) - Indian Maoists threatened on Monday to stage more attacks if an anti-rebel civil movement was not abandoned, 11 days after they killed 55 police and tribal militia in the central state of Chhattisgarh.

Hundreds of armed rebels stormed a police camp in the state's southern forests on March 15, killing police and members of a tribal militia.

A two-page statement signed by "Azad", a Maoist spokesman, called the attack a "heroic and tactical counter-offensive by the Peoples Liberation Guerrilla Army against state-sponsored reign of terror".

The statement threatened "bigger" attacks if the Salwa Judum (Campaign for Peace) movement was not stopped.

The government-backed movement has recruited tribespeople as police informers and pushed tens of thousands out of their villages and into camps in an ostensible attempt to defend them from the Maoists.

"The guerrillas assisted by the Bhoomkal militia will take up attacks on bigger scale if the Salwa Judum campaign is not withdrawn," the statement said. Bhoomkal means "land army" in a local tribal language and is the name of a Maoist unit.

The central state of Chhattisgarh is the worst-hit among 13 of India's 29 states where the Maoists have a presence.

The armed movement began four decades ago and claims to fight for the rights of poor farmers and landless labourers.

Thousands have died in the conflict. The attack on the police camp was among the deadliest in decades.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said last year the Maoist revolt was the biggest internal security challenge facing India since independence in 1947.

The rebel spokesman appealed to young tribal members of the Salwa Judum to realise that the government was pitting them against their own tribespeople. He also urged federal security forces to leave Chhattisgarh or "face the consequences".

Police in Andhra Pradesh state, of which Hyderabad is the capital, said on Sunday a Maoist leader and three colleagues had surrendered. Maoists said the group had given themselves up because of failing health.
Source:Reuters. Copyright, Nepal. - The Peace Media Research Center's e-magazine::



Unfazed by the criticism of Salva Judum, its founder and Congress leader Mahendra Karma tells Shivam Vij that he’s in the thick of a war

No qualms: Karma says the governments should act coherently against Naxals

‘If we can wipe out Naxalism from Bastar, the red corridor is finished’
You are an Adivasi MLA from Dantewada. Has Naxalism affected you personally?

I have lost two brothers to it and have escaped attacks several times. Whenever I go to Dantewada, especially on padyatras to spread the message of the Salva Judum, there is the risk. My family and sons still live in my native village. Recently, on March 2, I was going on a motorcycle yatra with 150 others to Jagargunda, a village on the border with Andhra Pradesh. One of the motorcycles ahead of me triggered a pressure bomb. It could have been me.

Aren’t you afraid?

This is not the sort of bogus fight that politicians are used to. In this fight, we will have to be prepared for anything. I am not new to this. I have been fighting the Naxals since 1989 when we started a jan jagran abhiyan among villagers and the Naxalites left, but soon they returned. I worked again on it when I was an independent member of the Eleventh Lok Sabha.

So what has this experience of working on the issue of Naxalism taught you?

The single greatest lesson I have learnt is never to compromise with the Naxals.

Does that mean you are against peace talks with them?

The Naxals aren’t even offering to talk.

But if they do?

They just can’t give up the gun. If they do, then perhaps we can talk.

Shouldn’t the government initiate peace talks with them?
These are the people who are against the Constitution and the democratic system as a whole. We, on the other hand, are part of this democratic system and it is our responsibility to save it from the Naxalites. You must understand that they are terrorists.

What do you think of the way Maoists have joined democracy in Nepal?

That’s what they will have to ultimately do in India.

But Naxalites say that Indian democracy has been a farce because developmental benefits haven’t reached the people.

Okay, so let us throw the ball in their court: what have the Naxals done for the people? Have they empowered common people in any way? Has the standard of living in villages controlled by them improved? Why don’t you understand that the Naxals want ‘revolution’, they want to change the system, and the tribals are the best fodder. But we who are fighting against the Naxals are also tribals. We have the same blood in us.

There are several kinds of terrorism. There is communal terrorism and local terrorism, but Naxalism is political terrorism of an international nature. Whatever be the form of terrorism, it isolates people geographically or communally. What the Naxals want amounts to secessionism. Democracy, on the other hand, is nobody’s property, certainly, not mine. I haven’t picked it up from Plato.

So what is the status of Naxalism in Chhattisgarh now according to you?

There is a big dent in it after a people’s movement against it in the most-affected district of Dantewada. But Dantewada is still the centre of Naxal activity, not just in Chhattisgarh but in the entire country. This is where the root is. This is where I suspect the central leadership of he Communist Party of India (Maoist) resides. If we can wipe out Naxalism from Dantewada, we will have wiped it out from the rest of the country. And there is only one thing that can defeat Naxalism. It is called Salva Judum. For the first time has such a people’s movement taking place. The Naxalites earlier called themselves ‘People’s War Group’. But what they are doing now is war against the people! Their very astitva (being) is being challenged.

Is it true that you are the initiator of Salva Judum?

I only gave it this name after I saw it come up on its own. Seeing a village rebel against Naxalites gave me the inspiration to lead them. They needed a political voice, which is what I gave them. I gave them leadership.

But some say that the Salva Judum was your creation with police help.

That is mere propaganda. After a month-and-a-half of the movement, the state government made the wise decision to support it.Given how alarming the problem of Naxalism is, why should the state not support it?

But if it is really a spontaneous movement against Naxalite oppression, why has it appeared only in Dantewada and not the rest of south Chhattisgarh and indeed the red corridor?

Just because others haven’t risen up doesn’t mean Dantewada’s tribals are fools. It is not Dantewada’s fault if others don’t have the courage to stand up against Naxalism.

So why don’t you take the Salva Judum movement to other areas?

Wherever we go, people stand up and join us. We have made a beginning with Dantewada. Until we don’t become a Naxalism-free state, we will not stop. If there are places where there is local leadership willing to stand up against the Naxals, we are ready to support it.

But isn’t it unfair for the state to arm tribals and pit them against Naxalites? It is widely alleged that many are forced to join the Salva Judum and relocate to camps.

The people of Dantewada want to fight. Hundreds have died at the hands of the Naxalites, but they still want to fight. They want to kill Naxalites. The state cannot fool lakhs of people. You go to Salva Judum camps and ask them. The people of Dantewada are not like the Kashmiri Pandits who left their homes when forced by the gun. We are fighters.

The Naxalites are known for violence against individuals and institutions that represent the state. Don’t you think that the creation of Salva Judum camps has turned thousands of villagers into ready targets for the Naxals?

On the contrary, wherever there are Salva Judum camps, Naxal violence and oppression of villagers has come to an end.

Many allege that the budget for these camps has provided officials an unprecedented opportunity to bungle the funds. There are even allegations against you for corruption.

As you know the Naxals can succeed in killing me any day. Do you think a man who has given his life would care for money? As for officials, we are talking of a machinery where corruption is widespread, so I would not be surprised if there has been corruption. There should indeed be an enquiry.

What do you think have been the three biggest successes of the Salva Judum?

Firstly, the Naxalite network has been undermined. They used to work with tribal villagers, and the same villagers are now on our side. Secondly, 5,000 Naxalites have surrendered and become special police officers (SPO) with the Salva Judum.

Who decides who will be given SPO status and arms?

The government decides the terms, it’s not my responsibility. But it is true that many who are associated with our peace movement have been made SPOs. Anyway, you didn’t let me tell you the third and the most interesting achievement of Salva Judum, which is that politicians have started speaking against Naxalism. Earlier they were so afraid of Naxals that they didn’t want to openly speak out against them. Only when the locals have dared that the political class has risen to the occasion.

In May 2006, you told Tehelka that Salva Judum would be able to finish the Naxals by June 2006. This is March 2007 and we have just witnessed the massacre of 68 Salva Judum and Chhattisgarh police officials in Dantewada.

We give such slogans to inspire our masses. But you will appreciate that the Salva Judum has spread to all of Dantewada by now.

Rights groups and fact-finding committees have found large-scale human rights violations and violence in the name of Salva Judum. You cannot write them off as Naxal sympathisers.

I don’t care for so-called intellectuals who can’t understand what a jan andolan is.

Has there been a single mistake committed by the Salva Judum? If you were to do it all again, is there anything you would you do it differently?

When such a jan andolan takes place there is always some upvad , some wrongs, but exceptions should not be presented as the rule.

KPS Gill said at the Tehelka summit last year that the Salva Judum was a Gandhian movement…

No doubt about that! It is a public movement for freedom just like the one Gandhi led.

But Gandhi’s was a non-violent movement, and Salva Judum is about an eye for an eye…

Do you know how many people Gandhi’s non-violence killed?

How many?

Twenty two thousand. They were killed by the British for following Gandhi’s path.

The massacre in Ranibodli on March 15, isn’t it proof that the Salva Judum campaign failed?

Not at all. This massacre was going to happen. It was decided in the ninth Congress of the CPI (Maoist). That’s when I think they also decided to killed Sunil Mahatoji of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha. The state and Central governments should take the Naxalite decisions and plans more seriously than they do. The Naxals do what they say.

Home Minister Shivraj Patil said in Parliament the other day that Naxal-related incidents in the country had dipped by 6.5 percent in 2006, but in Chattisgarh they increased by 57 percent. And 676 have died in 22 months and most of these were in Dantewada. You still think Salva Judum has not backfired?

Do the other states have a public movement against Naxalism? Obviously, Naxals are killing more in Dantewada because they are frustrated at tribals being wooed away from them.

So the escalating deaths are merely collateral damage?

Well when there is a problem in front of you will you bravely face it or turn away? If we have to fight Naxalism, we will have to pay a price. Kisi samasya ka samadhan haath par haath dharey rehne se thodi na hota hain. Usko root se nikalna padega, sangharsh karna padega. We Indians typically accept things as destiny, leaving it bhagwan bharosay. That’s not how you fight a war. The Naxals want this war to prolong for another 20-25 years and that’s why they are killing more people.

Controversial as it is, is Salva Judum the only way of fighting Naxalism?

Well, I had Salva Judum to offer. If any learned person in the country has other solutions to offer, he is most welcome to try them.

Isn’t providing more security a simple solution?

Yes, as the Salva Judum spreads, there will be more need for security.

So at the moment the number of security forces is just fine?

It is less than adequate.

Can you please pose below the Gandhi portrait for the photographer?

(Stands up and poses.) You are making me stand in the line of Gandhi. (Chuckles.)

It is you who has Gandhi in his office.

You know there is a saying, maha-purushon ke pad-chinh dikhaeen nahi dete, kyon ki un par aaj tak koi chala hi nahin. (You can’t see the footsteps of great men because nobody has walked on them.)

Mar 31 , 2007

Tehelka - The People's Paper